By: Jack Liechty

Context

73% of teenagers aged thirteen to seventeen have watched pornography online.[1] 53% have seen it before the age of thirteen.[2] 15% before the age of 10.[3] Some argue that this early exposure to pornography is a net positive for society because it leads to a displacement of sexual aggression and empowers women “by loosening them from the chackles of social prudery and restrictions.”[4] Some even go as far as to say that pornography is an art form that helps younger individuals initiate the process of sexual adventure, exploration, and discovery.[5]

Others staunchly disagree. These critics emphasize that numerous studies have shown that pornography addiction can normalize sexual objectification,[6] distort adolescents’ understanding of sex,[7] and even chemically alter teenagers’ brains to a similar degree as hard drugs.[8] Not only that, but some interpret the data to show that pornography can actually promote sexual violence[9] and even fuel sex trafficking.[10]

Current Laws and Litigation

As a result, several states have enacted laws that attempt to combat these harms facing children. In 2023, North Carolina passed the Pornography Age Verification Enforcement Act (PAVE Act), which requires commercial entities that publish online materials harmful to minors to implement age verification methods.[11] This law is a byproduct of the more nationally recognized law from Texas, H.B. 1181, which is being reviewed by the Supreme Court this upcoming term.[12] H.B. 1181 requires commercial entities to use reasonable age verification methods when more than one-third of their online material is sexual material harmful to minors, including pornography.[13] After a challenge from the Free Speech Coalition, a mouthpiece for the porn industry, the Fifth Circuit upheld the constitutionality of H.B. 1181.[14] Relying heavily on Ginsberg v. New York,[15] the Fifth Circuit reasoned that the law’s emphasis on protecting minors from harmful pornography addiction requires applying rational basis review.[16]

However, this holding seems to contravene more recent Supreme Court precedent. For example, in Reno v. ACLU, the Supreme Court invalidated a law that prohibited the transmission of indecent and offensive material to minors and even included an age-verification requirement.[17] Central to the Court’s reasoning was the fact that the law was a content-based restriction, meaning strict scrutiny would apply.[18] Similarly, in United States v. Playboy Entertainment Group, the Supreme Court held unconstitutional–applying strict scrutiny–a federal law that prohibited television companies from airing sexually explicit programming from 6 am to 10 pm because it was a content-based restriction that burdened adult access to the content.[19] Additionally, the Supreme Court in Ashcroft v. American Civil Liberties Union addressed a law that imposed heavy fines and even a prison sentence for anyone who posted, for commercial purposes, content harmful to minors.[20] However, the law provided an affirmative defense to commercial speakers who restricted access to prohibited materials by requiring the use of a credit card or “any other reasonable measures that are feasible under available technology.”[21] The Court held that this law was clearly content-based and therefore required strict scrutiny.[22] Given that H.B. 1181 similarly restricts pornography for minors based on its harmful sexual content and that it burdens adults’ access by forcing them to verify their age, RenoPlayboy, and Ashcroft seem to require that strict scrutiny applies to H.B. 1181.

In fact, this is similar to the arguments that the Free Speech Coalition made in front of the Supreme Court regarding H.B. 1181.[23] In their brief to the Court, they emphasized that many individuals view pornography as an art form, and thus, prohibiting it for minors is a content-based restriction that requires strict scrutiny analysis.[24]Furthermore, because many romance novels or R-rated movies include over one-third of sexual material, the regulation is overbroad and overinclusive.[25]

In contrast, Texas argued that pornography addiction for children is “creating a public health crisis.”[26]Therefore, pursuant to Ginsberg, the pornography industry should be forced to “take commercially reasonable steps to ensure that those who access the material are adults.”[27] Furthermore, Texas distinguished outdated Supreme Court precedent that could not comprehend the evolvement of technology to today’s standard, where almost any teenager in America can access extremely explicit pornography in a matter of seconds.[28]

Important Unanswered Questions

These arguments raise several questions regarding how the Supreme Court will resolve the legal issues surrounding age verification laws. Will it decide that the content-based nature of these laws undoubtedly requires strict scrutiny, or will the clear harm to minors allow rational basis review? Given the evolvement of technology and the porn industry, might the Court revisit obscenity jurisprudence entirely and hold that pornography as a whole fails to pass constitutional muster? In other words, will the Court feel the need to keep legitimizing pornography as art, or will it recognize that its addictive qualities fall short of requiring First Amendment protection? Thus, the Supreme Court has the ability to unshackle the porn industry from age verification legislation that is poised to deter one of its main market demographics. Or, the Court can embolden legislatures to shield vulnerable minors from the psychotropic consequences of pornography addiction.


[1] Common Sense Media, New Report Reveals Truths About How Teens Engage with Pornography, PR Newswire (Jan. 10, 2023), https://www.prnewswire.com/news-releases/new-report-reveals-truths-about-how-teens-engage-with-pornography-301717607.html

[2] Id.

[3] Id.

[4] Milton Diamond, Porn: Good for us? Scientific Examination of the Subject has Found that as the Use of Porn Increases, the Rate of Sex Crimes Goes Down, Pac. Ctr. for Sex and Soc’y (July 17, 2012), https://www.hawaii.edu/PCSS/biblio/articles/2010to2014/2010-porn.html

[5] Emma Boles & Kayla Tricaso, Is Porn Bad? A Look at the Pros + Cons, Modern Intimacy (Oct. 21, 2020), https://www.modernintimacy.com/is-porn-bad-a-look-at-the-pros-and-cons/

[6] How Porn Can Normalize Sexual Objectification, Fight the New Drug, https://fightthenewdrug.org/how-porn-can-normalize-sexual-objectification/?_gl=1*jny6ly*_up*MQ..*_gs*MQ..&gclid=Cj0KCQjwytS-BhCKARIsAMGJyzrNFuiqkqCP5e0kDrcQj6m–O2g_s0B9afo7nto6pn3xhEcHqhVLuEaAnhWEALw_wcB (last visited Mar. 27, 2025). 

[7] How Porn Can Distort Consumers’ Understanding of Healthy Sex, Fight the New Drug, https://fightthenewdrug.org/how-porn-can-distort-consumers-understanding-of-healthy-sex/ (last visited Mar. 27, 2025).

[8] How Porn Can Change the Brain, Fight the New Drug, https://fightthenewdrug.org/how-porn-can-change-the-brain/ (last visited Mar. 27, 2025).

[9] How Porn Can Promote Sexual Violence, Fight the New Drug, https://fightthenewdrug.org/how-porn-can-promote-sexual-violence/ (last visited Mar. 27, 2025).

[10] How Porn Can Fuel Sex Trafficking, Fight the New Drug, https://fightthenewdrug.org/how-porn-can-fuel-sex-trafficking/ (last visited Mar. 27, 2025).

[11] N.C. Gen. Stat. § 66-501(2023).

[12] Free Speech Coalition, Inc. v. Paxton, No. 23-1122 (Supreme Court argued Jan 15, 2025).

[13] Free Speech Coalition, Inc. v. Paxton, 95 F.4th 263, 267 (5th Cir. 2024).

[14] Id. at 287.

[15] 390 U.S. 629 (1968). Ginsberg held that the well-being of children is well within a State’s constitutional power to regulate, and therefore a law which regulated the sale of sexually explicit material to minors in brick-and-mortar bookstores was constitutional under rational basis review. Id. at 639.

[16] Free Speech Coalition, 95 F.4th at 276.

[17] Reno v. ACLU, 521 U.S. 844, 885 (1997).

[18] Id. at 868.

[19] United States v. Playboy Ent. Grp., Inc., 529 U.S. 803, 811 (2000).

[20] 542 U.S. 656, 656 (2004).

[21] Id.

[22] Id. at 660.

[23] Brief of Petitioner at 1, Free Speech Coalition, Inc. v. Paxton, No. 23-1122 (Supreme Court argued Jan. 15, 2025).

[24] Id.

[25] Id.

[26] Brief of Respondent at 1, Free Speech Coalition, Inc. v. Paxton, No. 23-1122 (Supreme Court argued Jan. 15, 2025) (internal citations omitted).

[27] Id.

[28] Id. at 2.

15 Wake Forest L. Rev. Online 1

Nicholas R. Rader

Introduction

Corporations may, as a result of their operations, incur substantial contingent liabilities that diminish their enterprise value.[1] In some cases, these contingent liabilities take the form of mass tort judgments, which threaten to drag corporations into protracted, complex litigation in diverse forums with potentially varied results.[2] To avoid this fate, companies have commonly sought creative ways to separate the liabilities from the company’s assets.[3]

One recent method is known as the divisive merger (and more pejoratively, the Texas Two-Step), whereby the corporation employs Texas state law to unevenly divide its assets and liabilities between two new companies.[4] The bad company (“BadCo”) receives all of the parent corporation’s mass tort liabilities, while the good company (“GoodCo”) agrees to pay all the mass tort obligations allocated to BadCo.[5] BadCo then files for Chapter 11 bankruptcy, enabling global resolution of the mass tort liabilities while ensuring that GoodCo can continue its normal business operations.[6] In these cases, the so-called divisive merger typically presents no business purpose “other than to separate the great majority of a solvent corporation’s assets from specified contingent liabilities.”[7]

Chapter 11 bankruptcy describes the reorganization-focused chapter of the Bankruptcy Code, which allows a debtor to propose a plan of reorganization and imposes an automatic stay of all pending litigation against the debtor.[8] Moreover, Chapter 11 proceedings allow large companies to resolve mass tort claims on a final and global basis.[9] One specific provision in the Bankruptcy Code, 11 U.S.C. § 524(g), enables a particularly effective global resolution mechanism for debtors facing asbestos-related litigation.[10] If the plan is confirmed, the court may then issue a channeling injunction to channel all present and future claims against the debtor to the trust.[11] Ultimately, Texas Two-Step filings provide a legal procedure by which the debtor can manufacture financial distress and deal with asbestos-related mass tort liabilities without subjecting the asset-rich entity to the inconvenience of bankruptcy proceedings.[12]

The Texas Two-Step Chapter 11 filings have come under increasing scrutiny as potential abuses of the Bankruptcy Code. Specifically, claimants have challenged whether BadCo should even have access to Chapter 11 bankruptcy; often, these challenges highlight the financial condition of the debtor as evidence of a “bad-faith filing.”[13]

Bankruptcy courts retain some ability to control a debtor’s access to Chapter 11 through 11 U.S.C. § 1112(b). Pursuant to this provision, bankruptcy courts possess the power to gatekeep Chapter 11 bankruptcy by mandating that courts convert or dismiss some cases “for cause.”[14] And courts have held that this explicit statutory standard “is sufficiently elastic and open-ended to subsume traditional and longstanding good-faith filing requisites.”[15]

Thus, courts have universally interpreted this vague restriction to incorporate a good-faith filing requirement into Chapter 11 bankruptcy.[16] But courts have diverged on how, exactly, to determine the existence of good faith on the part of the debtor.[17] As a result, judicial interpretation of the good-faith filing requirement “is somewhat amorphous and differs among the circuits.”[18]

For example, to prove a debtor’s bad-faith filing, the Fourth Circuit requires a showing of (1) subjective bad faith on the part of the debtor and (2) objective futility of the debtor’s restructuring efforts.[19] This standard is generally considered the most debtor-friendly standard for proving a bad-faith filing. It is therefore no coincidence that almost all Texas Two-Step bankruptcy cases have been initially filed in the Fourth Circuit.[20]

On the other hand, other circuits have adopted less debtor-friendly good-faith standards.[21] In the Third Circuit, the focus is on “the totality of the facts and circumstances [to] determine where a petition falls along the spectrum ranging from the clearly acceptable to the patently abusive.”[22] Thus, courts focus on two inquiries: “(1) whether the petition serves a valid bankruptcy purpose . . . and (2) whether the petition is filed merely to obtain a tactical litigation advantage.”[23] Regarding the first inquiry, “a debtor who does not suffer from financial distress cannot demonstrate its Chapter 11 petition serves a valid bankruptcy purpose.”[24] Therefore, the existence of financial distress for the debtor serves as the Third Circuit’s “good faith” litmus test.

Ultimately, the Third Circuit’s financial distress requirement provides a workable standard to preserve the intended purpose of the Bankruptcy Code. And more importantly, such a standard serves to resituate the federal bankruptcy system within its prescribed constitutional limits—to facilitate the fresh start of the insolvent debtor.[25]

This Comment has six parts. Part I explores the original meaning of the Constitution’s Bankruptcy Clause, the evolution of federal bankruptcy laws, and the relationship between bankruptcy and insolvency. Part II outlines the challenges the federal courts have confronted in determining the outer limits of Congress’s power to enact bankruptcy legislation. Part III broadly discusses good-faith challenges to a debtor’s use of Chapter 11 bankruptcy. Part IV focuses specifically on the peculiarities of the good-faith filing standard in the Fourth Circuit. Part V analyzes the issues and arguments raised in recent Texas Two-Step cases. Finally, Part VI suggests the Third Circuit’s financial distress standard as a workable constitutional limitation on Chapter 11 eligibility.

I. Background and Early Development of Federal Bankruptcy Law

The Constitution gives Congress the express power “[t]o establish . . . uniform Laws on the subject of Bankruptcies throughout the United States.”[26] But such a general formulation of Congress’s power under the Bankruptcy Clause provides little illumination on that power without an understanding of both the context in which the clause was written and the evolution of its interpretation since the Constitution’s ratification.

A. The Original Meaning of “Laws on the Subject of Bankruptcies”

One difficulty in understanding the Framers’ intent emerges from the clause’s apparently straightforward adoption, which occurred “with little debate.”[27] As a result, little direct evidence exists to demonstrate what comprised “laws on the subject of Bankruptcies” from the Framers’ perspective. In The Federalist Papers, James Madison focused on the importance of establishing a uniform federal bankruptcy law due to the intimate connection between bankruptcy proceedings and the regulation of interstate commerce.[28] The purpose, from Madison’s perspective, was to prevent individuals engaged in commerce—and thus, those most likely to have their persons and property scattered across various states—from taking “advantage of frictions between different states’ legal systems.”[29] But beyond this brief explanation offered by Madison, the most notable feature surrounding the adoption of the Bankruptcy Clause is the lack of contemporary discussion and apparent nonchalance with which the Framers viewed the federal bankruptcy power.[30]

In the age of American independence, English bankruptcy law represented a collective proceeding brought against merchant debtors involuntarily by aggrieved creditors.[31] Technically, the legal term of “bankruptcy” specifically described an alternative method of dealing with defaulting merchant debtors beyond the remedy of debtor’s prison.[32] And although the phrase “bankrupt” was nearly interchangeable with “insolvent” in common usage,[33] English bankruptcy laws were distinct from English insolvency laws.[34]

Frustratingly, scholars are split on whether the Framers intended to limit the clause’s “laws on the subject of Bankruptcies” to their English analogues. On the one hand, even the English statutes themselves failed to maintain a clear line between bankruptcy and insolvency, describing a solvent person as one who “had not become Bankrupt[ ].”[35] But on the other hand, the use of the technical—and somewhat awkward—phrasing in the Bankruptcy Clause might suggest an attempt to delineate its legal subject matter from bankruptcy’s colloquial meaning, which was generally synonymous with “insolvency.”[36] Possibly, the Constitution’s Framers chose the technical term “bankruptcies” instead of “insolvencies” to leave the regulation of most debtor-creditor relations up to the states.[37]

B. Abolishing the Insolvency-Bankruptcy Distinction

Congress’s first attempt at passing a uniform federal bankruptcy law (the short-lived Bankruptcy Act of 1800) provides some support for the more technical contemporary understanding of the term “bankruptcies.” Specifically, the 1800 Act took for granted the notion that bankruptcy laws only applied to merchant debtors.[38] But the Act also proved so unpopular that it was quickly repealed by Congress in 1803, even though it was drafted to expire on its own in 1805.[39] Regardless, the 1800 Act’s strict formulation of bankruptcy law seems to have completely eroded by 1819, when the Supreme Court first addressed the powers granted to Congress by the Bankruptcy Clause in Sturges v. Crowninshield.[40]

In Sturges, less than three decades after the adoption of the Constitution, the Court roundly rejected the limited, legalistic view of bankruptcy law as a creditor-initiated proceeding against merchant debtors. Instead, the Court adopted a capacious view of bankruptcy law that clearly included insolvency law, noting that “the line of partition between [bankruptcy laws and insolvency laws] is not so distinctly marked as to enable any person to say, with positive precision, what belongs exclusively to one, and not the other class of laws.”[41] Going even further, the Court lamented that the “difficulty of discriminating” between the two “would lead to the opinion that a bankrupt law may contain those regulations which are generally found in insolvent laws; and that an insolvent law may contain those which are common to a bankrupt law.”[42]

The Court in Sturges considered it unworkable, given the arbitrary line between insolvent and bankrupt laws, to give one subject exclusively to Congress and the other exclusively to the state legislatures.[43] Therefore, the Court determined that the Constitution must grant Congress “extensive discretion” to delimit the scope of the bankruptcy power.[44]

Despite the failure of the first Act, Congress again tried to create a national bankruptcy system with the Bankruptcy Act of 1841. The 1841 Act introduced debtor-initiated proceedings for all debtors in addition to the previously provided creditor-initiated proceedings against merchants.[45] This expansion faced immediate challenges in the district courts, and at least one court declared that Congress overstepped its constitutional grant by expanding bankruptcy proceedings beyond English laws.[46] But Justice John Catron, riding circuit, reversed that decision on appeal after noting that the American experience with insolvency legislation fundamentally differed from its English antecedents.[47] Accordingly, Justice Catron held that the limits of the Bankruptcy Clause’s jurisdiction extended “to all cases where the law causes to be distributed the property of a debtor among his creditors.”[48] This decision effectively discharged any remaining doubt on whether bankruptcy laws could encompass insolvency laws.

C. Morality, Bankruptcy, and Insolvency

Perhaps one explanation for the expansion of bankruptcy eligibility under the Bankruptcy Act of 1841 was the country’s shifting moral attitude toward bankruptcy. As the Supreme Court would later recognize, the Bankruptcy Act of 1841 and all later acts involving the subject of bankruptcies “proceeded upon the assumption that [the debtor] might be honest but unfortunate.”[49] This rather generous assumption stood in stark contrast to prevailing attitudes during the colonial era, in which one unnamed but representative colonial Massachusetts satirist had lumped “bankrupts” together with “paper-money gentry,” “land-jobbers,” “state-leeches,” “idlers,” and English royalist sympathizers.[50] And with the development of the early American capitalist economy, insolvency itself had evolved from a source of moral opprobrium into a calculated risk undertaken by the industrious entrepreneur.[51]

The Bankruptcy Act of 1867 finally abolished the merchant-nonmerchant distinction, allowed both debtor-initiated proceedings and debt discharges without creditor approval, and introduced bankruptcy proceedings for corporations.[52] Yet despite its clear departures from earlier American bankruptcy legislation, the 1867 Act—like its predecessors—retained an explicit insolvency requirement for determining a debtor’s eligibility to enter bankruptcy.[53] Moreover, this insolvency requirement applied to both voluntary and involuntary proceedings.[54]

The Bankruptcy Act of 1867—enacted in the aftermath of the Civil War and the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment—likely also represents the culmination of the shifting popular and legal attitudes toward debtor-creditor relations.

A brief summary of the relation between the Thirteenth Amendment and the bankruptcy system’s purpose of providing a “fresh start” is worth noting.[55] First, the Thirteenth Amendment effectively introduced the rights of insolvent persons into federal constitutional law.[56] And second, the Thirteenth Amendment gave Congress the “power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.”[57] Therefore, through the comparison of the “slavery of debt” to chattel slavery, the 1867 Act’s supporters directly tied the bankruptcy power to Congress’s power to legislate against involuntary servitude under the Thirteenth Amendment.[58] After 1867, then, the line between bankruptcy and insolvency laws was no longer blurred; rather, the two were inextricably merged by the need to provide the debtor an opportunity for a fresh start and avoid the injustice of debt bondage.[59]

II. The Advent of the Modern Bankruptcy System

Generally, beginning with the Bankruptcy Act of 1898 and persisting through the current era, two core tenets regarding the bankruptcy powers have emerged from the federal judiciary. First, while these powers certainly extend beyond the understanding of bankruptcy law in either England or the American colonies, they are not unlimited.[60] Second, an underlying assumption determining a debtor’s eligibility to initiate a voluntary bankruptcy has long been the debtor’s inability to pay his or her debts.[61]

A. The Supreme Court, the Bankruptcy Clause, and the Search for Constitutional Limits

The Bankruptcy Act of 1898 officially ushered in the modern era of permanent federal bankruptcy legislation.[62] Primarily, the 1898 Act extended the availability of debtor-initiated bankruptcy proceedings and limited the grounds for denial of discharge.[63] And according to the Court, the purpose of the Act was “to relieve the honest debtor from the weight of oppressive indebtedness, and permit him to start afresh free from the obligations and responsibilities consequent upon business misfortunes.”[64] However, the Act faced constitutional challenges because it allowed persons other than traders to access bankruptcy, permitted voluntary petitions, and recognized state law exemptions.[65]

The Supreme Court addressed each of these concerns in Hanover National Bank v. Moyses,[66] which upheld the constitutionality of the 1898 Act while also articulating the scope of Congress’s bankruptcy powers. First, the Court reaffirmed the merging of bankruptcy and insolvency laws, quoting no less than Justice Joseph Story’s famous Commentaries on the Constitution to note that “[n]o distinction was ever practically, or even theoretically, attempted to be made between bankruptcies and insolvencies” in colonial and state legislation.[67] Again quoting Justice Story, the Court also recognized that a historical review of such legislation would show that “a bankrupt law may contain those regulations which are generally found in insolvent laws, and that an insolvent law may contain those which are common to bankrupt laws.”[68] Finally, the Court reiterated the presumption of the honest debtor, who “may be, in fact, fraudulent, and able and unwilling to pay his debts; but the law takes him at his word.”[69]

Just over thirty years later, and relying once again on Justice Story, the Court in Continental Illinois National Bank & Trust Co. v. Chicago, Rock Island & Pacific Railway Co.[70] noted that the terms “insolvency” and “bankruptcy” are convertible within the meaning of the Bankruptcy Clause.[71] But despite acknowledging that Congress’s power “is not to be limited by the English or Colonial law in force when the Constitution was adopted,” the Court refuted the idea that the power is unlimited.[72] Rather, “the nature of this power and the extent of it can best be fixed by the gradual process of historical and judicial ‘inclusion and exclusion.’’’[73]

B. New Deal, Same Principles

In the aftermath of New Deal era amendments to the Bankruptcy Act of 1898, the Fourth Circuit also undertook to delineate the scope of congressional powers under the Bankruptcy Clause. For example, in Bradford v. Fahey,[74] the Fourth Circuit echoed the Court in Hanover, acknowledging that Congress’s power was not limited by English and colonial laws “as they existed at the time of the adoption of the Constitution.”[75] Rather, “the constitutional grant vests in Congress full power to deal with the relationship existing between debtors unable or unwilling to pay their debts and their creditors.”[76]

But the Fourth Circuit in Bradford did articulate one potential limitation when determining a debtor’s bankruptcy eligibility. The court, while considering the constitutionality of the 1934 Act amendment’s corporate reorganization provision, stated that “[s]omething was needed which would enable insolvent corporations and farmers to obtain relief from their debt burdens without forcing a sale of their property.”[77] Thus, from the very introduction of reorganization provisions into federal bankruptcy law, the Fourth Circuit contemplated one critical purpose to delineate eligibility under the Act—that its provisions were intended for insolvent corporations as a means to continue operation.

The Fourth Circuit struck a similar note in Campbell v. Alleghany Corp.,[78] which considered an appeal from a confirmation order of a plan of reorganization for a debtor corporation.[79] The court entertained “no doubt as to the constitutionality of the statute,” again reaffirming that the bankruptcy power of Congress was “not limited to the forms in which that power has heretofore been exercised by Congress or by the laws relating to bankruptcy” existing in England or the colonies prior to the Constitution’s adoption.[80]

However, the Fourth Circuit noted that in both voluntary and involuntary bankruptcy proceedings, such proceedings “are necessarily predicated on insolvency or existing inability to pay the debts in full.”[81] And while the corporation “need not be insolvent in the sense that its liabilities exceed its assets,” it must at least be insolvent “in the sense that it is unable to pay its debts as they mature.”[82] Once again, the court simultaneously embraced an expansive view of bankruptcy powers while declining to abrogate the requirement of insolvency on the part of the debtor—particularly when the debtor filed a voluntary petition seeking corporate reorganization.[83]

C. Gradual Process or Unfettered Expansion? Still Searching for a Limit

As explained above, the judiciary has clearly and repeatedly affirmed that Congress’s power via the Bankruptcy Clause is not beholden to the narrow legal conception of bankruptcy at the time of the Framers. But the courts have also held that such power cannot be unlimited. Instead, its limits are best determined by the gradual process of “inclusion and exclusion.”[84] Yet despite the continuous existence of a federal bankruptcy system since 1898, no clear constitutional limit has yet been posited that would circumscribe Congress’s ability to adjust debtor-creditor relations under the Bankruptcy Clause.

The only instances in which the Court has struck down a federal law for exceeding the Bankruptcy Clause’s constitutional limitations involved a lack of uniformity, not a dispute over the meaning of “the subject of Bankruptcies.”[85] In Railway Labor Executives’ Ass’n v. Gibbons,[86] the Court simply took issue with the fact that the Rock Island Transition and Employee Assistance Act granted preferential treatment to the Rock Island Railroad, essentially providing employee protection provisions to only one regional bankrupt railroad.[87]

Similarly, in Siegel v. Fitzgerald,[88] the Court held that Congress had unconstitutionally increased the fee rates for debtors in large Chapter 11 cases by not applying the temporary increase uniformly. Congress initially exempted the six judicial districts in Alabama and North Carolina from the increase because the districts had declined to join the United States Trustee Program.[89] Moreover, even once this exemption ended, the increase in the six districts only applied to new cases—rather than also applying to all pending cases, as it did in all other districts.[90] The Court concluded that the Bankruptcy Clause “does not permit Congress to treat identical debtors differently” by “arbitrarily dividing States into two categories.”[91]

On the other end of the spectrum, in Central Virginia Community College v. Katz,[92] the Court held that the Bankruptcy Clause gave Congress the authority to abrogate states’ sovereign immunity.[93] But in his dissent, Justice Thomas contended that Congress had finally exceeded the scope of “the subject of Bankruptcies.” Specifically, Justice Thomas questioned the Framers’ “fervor” to enact a federal bankruptcy regime given the delay between the Constitution’s ratification and the adoption of the first permanent national bankruptcy law in 1898.[94]

According to Justice Thomas, the Framers could not have reasonably intended to provide Congress with such extensive power through a clause adopted with little debate and whose authority “[f]or over a century . . . remained largely unexercised.”[95] As he noted, “states were free to act in bankruptcy matters for all but 16 of the first 109 years after the Constitution was ratified.”[96] And prior to 1898, Congress only passed bankruptcy laws in response to major financial disasters.[97] Taken altogether, such historical evidence hardly supports the contention “that the Framers placed paramount importance on the enactment of a nationally uniform bankruptcy law”[98]—and thus it would seem reasonable to more closely scrutinize the powers which now emanate from the Bankruptcy Clause.

Yet against this backdrop of ever-expanding power, only rarely met with judicial restraint, the Supreme Court has not wavered in recognizing the close relationship between bankruptcy and insolvency. Indeed, as recently as 2023, the Court stated that “[t]he Bankruptcy Code strikes a balance between the interests of insolvent debtors and their creditors.”[99] Thus, the historical overview of bankruptcy legislation and case law relates two fundamental principles: (1) the powers granted by the Bankruptcy Clause, while expansive, cannot be unlimited; and (2) bankruptcy and insolvency, despite their legal distinction at the time of the Framers, continue to be linked by both courts and Congress.

III. Good Faith and Chapter 11

Good-faith challenges regarding the use of Chapter 11 bankruptcy have certainly intensified in light of the Texas Two-Step phenomenon; however, the challenges predate these divisional mergers. When viewed most broadly, the cases coalesce around the extent of the powers granted under the Bankruptcy Clause. And specifically, they often force courts to grapple with whether solvent debtors may take advantage of bankruptcy proceedings. Yet not all such cases examining the debtor’s good faith invoke the § 1112(b) good-faith filing requirement.

For example, in In re Marshall,[100] the United States District Court for the Central District of California dealt with a case in which a successor trustee moved to dismiss the debtor’s confirmed Chapter 11 plan by questioning the constitutionality of allowing “clearly, and overwhelmingly, solvent debtors to discharge their debts.”[101] Unlike the implicit good-faith filing standard for petitions under § 1112(b), the Code does impose an explicit good-faith requirement on the confirmation of Chapter 11 plans.[102]

The court first engaged in an examination of the relationship between the debtor’s solvency and the statutory good-faith requirement to confirm a Chapter 11 plan. And in so doing, the district court emerged unpersuaded by the trustee’s argument of bad faith. Rather, the court affirmed the plan’s confirmation, reasoning that, “[d]espite the surface appeal of this argument,” neither the parties nor the court could identify a case that expressly read an insolvency requirement into the Constitution or the Bankruptcy Code.[103] Thus, the court determined that, by reversing the plan’s confirmation, it “would be developing such a requirement out of whole cloth.”[104]

The court did not, however, limit its power to rule on the trustee’s motion solely to the requirement for a plan’s good-faith confirmation under § 1129(a)(3). Additionally, the court acknowledged that a bankruptcy court may dismiss a Chapter 11 petition “for cause” under § 1112(b), citing the overwhelming adoption of an implicit good-faith filing requirement by courts.[105] And employing the Ninth Circuit’s “totality of the circumstances” standard to determine whether a Chapter 11 case was filed in good faith, the district court ultimately found that the debtors “were in financial distress” with judgments and threatened litigation that rendered them “close to insolvency if not actually insolvent.”[106]

IV. The Fourth Circuit’s Good-Faith Filing Standard

As noted above, the good-faith filing requirement cannot be found in the Bankruptcy Code itself.[107] Rather, courts have held that good faith is an “implicit prerequisite” to filing a Chapter 11 petition.[108] This good-faith standard, without which the court must dismiss the case for cause,[109] “protects the jurisdictional integrity of the bankruptcy courts by rendering their powerful equitable weapons . . . available only to those debtors and creditors with ‘clean hands’”[110]—in other words, the honest but unfortunate debtor or creditor.

Courts must often determine good faith before the proceeding “has even begun to develop the total shape of the debtor’s situation.”[111] And since “[d]ecisions denying access at the very portals of bankruptcy . . . are inherently drastic and not lightly to be made,”[112] courts thereby wield an extensive amount of power through this implicit prerequisite. This realization has led some legal scholars to remark that, essentially, courts routinely use the good-faith filing requirement as a backdoor insolvency requirement.[113]

Circuit courts have adopted a variety of standards in order to determine whether a debtor’s bankruptcy petition represents a good-faith filing, and the circuit’s applicable standard may well determine similarly situated Chapter 11 cases.[114] The Fourth Circuit, for example, applies the most debtor-friendly dismissal standard, requiring both subjective bad faith and objective futility to dismiss a voluntary Chapter 11 filing.[115] This standard is intended to prevent “abuse of the bankruptcy process by debtors whose overriding motive is to delay creditors without benefiting them in any way or to achieve reprehensible purposes.”[116]

Focusing further on the Fourth Circuit’s standard, in In re Palmetto Interstate Development II, Inc.,[117] the bankruptcy court dismissed the debtor’s Chapter 11 case for bad faith while noting that such bad-faith filings often exhibit “a typical pattern.”[118] To highlight a few elements from this typical pattern: (1) the debtor utterly lacks ongoing business activity, (2) the debtor faces “allegations of wrongdoing,” (3) “the debtor is afflicted with the ‘new debtor syndrome’” by creating a one-asset entity on the eve of foreclosure, and (4) the debtor lacks “any possibility of reorganization of the debtor’s business.”[119]

These prototypical elements of a bad-faith filing, as articulated by the court in Palmetto, demonstrate a few obvious parallels to the creation, operation, and overall purpose of the so-called BadCo following a Texas Two-Step divisional merger. In the Texas Two-Step, BadCo is created “on the eve of bankruptcy” to isolate the corporation’s mass tort liabilities.[120] Moreover, the newly created BadCo “lacks ongoing business activity” because its sole purpose is to file bankruptcy and enable global resolution of these liabilities.

Despite these apparent similarities, the Fourth Circuit has so far declined to dismiss a Texas Two-Step case under § 1112(b)’s good-faith filing standard. Yet paradoxically, one key difference between Palmetto’s bad-faith fact pattern and the typical Texas Two-Step debtor may well present its own good-faith challenge. Specifically, BadCo’s access to a nearly limitless cash flow to pay off tort claims—typically provided in the form of a funding agreement with GoodCo[121]—has forced courts to revisit the relationship between good faith, insolvency, and the Constitution’s Bankruptcy Clause.

V. Good Faith and Insolvency in Texas Two-Step Cases

The differences between the circuit courts’ good-faith filing standards have produced widely disparate outcomes in recent, factually similar Chapter 11 cases. And in one Fourth Circuit case, Judge King took the opportunity to highlight the jurisdictional concern surrounding the recent spate of Texas Two-Step debtors and their accompanying funding agreements.[122]

A. In re LTL Management, LLC

A recent Third Circuit case, In re LTL Management, LLC,[123] demonstrates the potential success for § 1112(b) good-faith challenges against Texas Two-Step debtors. But this case also highlights the unpredictability that arises from disagreement among circuit courts as to what, exactly, constitutes good faith. Even more fundamentally, the case directly presents the question of what role insolvency should play in determining a debtor’s bankruptcy eligibility.

In LTL, the Third Circuit dismissed the debtor’s Chapter 11 case after determining that the case was not filed in good faith.[124] And LTL did not represent an outlier among Chapter 11 cases directly following a divisional merger; rather, LTL presented the court with the usual chain of events which have become the hallmark of Texas Two-Step cases.

First, the Food and Drug Administration found asbestos traces in Johnson’s baby powder along with a significant association between exposure to asbestos-tainted talc and ovarian cancer.[125] These findings then opened the door to a flood of litigation against Johnson & Johnson Consumer Inc., a wholly owned subsidiary of Johnson & Johnson.[126] In the shadow of ongoing litigation, the original baby powder manufacturing corporation underwent a divisional merger to produce two new entities: LTL (here, the BadCo) and “New Johnson & Johnson Consumer” (the GoodCo).[127] Ultimately, that merger allocated LTL the responsibility for all liabilities tied to the talc-related claims.[128]

Two days after the divisional merger, LTL filed a petition for Chapter 11 relief in the Bankruptcy Court for the Western District of North Carolina.[129] Accordingly, LTL sought to enjoin or extend the automatic stay of all talc-related claims asserted against over six hundred non-debtors, including the parent company Johnson & Johnson.[130] And while the court granted the injunction for sixty days, it also transferred venue to the United States District Court for the District of New Jersey—thereby depriving LTL of the Fourth Circuit’s debtor-friendly dismissal standard.[131]

The talc claimants subsequently filed a motion to dismiss the Chapter 11 petition, arguing that LTL filed in bad faith.[132] Initially, the bankruptcy court denied the claimants’ motion, finding instead that LTL had filed its bankruptcy petition in good faith.[133] However, the Third Circuit disagreed.

Although the court began its assessment by examining the “totality of facts and circumstances,”[134] the Third Circuit eventually settled on a clear theme: “absent financial distress, there is no reason for Chapter 11 and no valid bankruptcy purpose.”[135] And while the court acknowledged that “the Code conspicuously does not contain any particular insolvency requirement,” it also highlighted that financial distress and insolvency are not synonymous.[136] Nevertheless, the court reasoned that “a debtor’s balance-sheet insolvency or insufficient cash flows to pay liabilities . . . are likely always relevant” when determining a good-faith filing.[137] Ultimately, the Third Circuit assessed LTL’s solvency at the time of filing and held that its ability to “pay current and future talc claimants in full” necessitated the dismissal of its petition for cause.[138]

B. In re Aldrich Pump LLC

On the other hand, in In re Aldrich Pump LLC,[139] the United States Bankruptcy Court for the Western District of North Carolina employed the Fourth Circuit’s version of the good-faith filing standard in a factually similar Texas Two-Step case.[140] Under the debtor-friendly standard, the court declined to grant claimants’ motion to dismiss.[141] Moreover, the court engaged with the fundamental question of whether, at its core, the Constitution’s Bankruptcy Clause requires insolvency on the part of the voluntary debtor.[142]

First, the court addressed the constitutional question by acknowledging that “[t]he reach of the Bankruptcy Clause is very broad.”[143] In fact, the Supreme Court has never invoked its meaning “to invalidate a statute that provides uniform debtor-creditor rules.”[144] And no court has ever adopted the conclusion that the Clause requires either insolvency or financial distress by the debtor.[145] Rather, courts like the Third Circuit have added the financial distress prerequisite through § 1112(b)’s implicit good-faith filing requirement.[146]

The court referenced In re Marshall,[147] from the United States Bankruptcy Court for the Central District of California, as “[t]he only case that Movants cite that even considered”—and ultimately, rejected—the question of whether the Bankruptcy Clause requires an insolvent debtor.[148] Moreover, the court then noted that the Supreme Court “has repeatedly and consistently held that the Bankruptcy Powers are not limited to the meaning of the term ‘bankruptcy’ at the time of the formulation of the Constitution.”[149] This is of course true, as the Court has held that the Clause must extend progressively “to meet new conditions,”[150] with limits that can only be discerned through the “gradual process of historical and judicial ‘inclusion and exclusion.’”[151]

Turning then to good-faith filing under § 1112(b), the court in Aldrich Pump applied the Fourth Circuit’s two-pronged standard of (1) objective futility and (2) subjective bad faith.[152] The movants argued that this standard, first established in Carolin Corp. v. Miller,[153] presupposed a debtor in financial distress; thus, according to the movants, the court would be applying the Carolin standard “beyond its facts” in the case of a solvent, financially non-distressed debtor.[154]

Under Carolin’s objective futility prong, a solvent corporation always has a realistic chance of resuscitation.[155] Therefore, the court acknowledged that the application of the Fourth Circuit’s standard to a Chapter 11 case filed by a solvent, non-distressed debtor “means all such cases survive dismissal.”[156] So, this standard effectively precludes the dismissal of any Texas Two-Step case by virtue of the very peculiarity being challenged under § 1112(b): that is, whether a demonstrably solvent debtor may file Chapter 11 bankruptcy in good faith. Ultimately, the court in Aldrich Pump reasoned that such a paradoxical outcome must be left “for the Fourth Circuit’s consideration, if it elects to reconsider applicability of the Carolin Two-Prong Test in the case of a solvent, non-distressed Chapter 11 debtor.”[157]

C. In re Bestwall LLC

Finally, in In re Bestwall LLC,[158] Georgia-Pacific LLC underwent a similar divisional merger to offload its asbestos-related liabilities onto its own BadCo, Bestwall.[159] But here, the claimants did not move to dismiss Bestwall’s petition for cause under § 1112(b).[160] Instead, the Bestwall claimants challenged whether the bankruptcy court possessed jurisdiction to enter a preliminary injunction of tort claims against the asset-laden debtor.[161] The Fourth Circuit ultimately affirmed the injunction, reasoning that Bestwall had a “realistic possibility” of reorganization under Chapter 11.[162] However, the most interesting argument—for purposes of this Comment—emerged from Judge King’s dissent in part, where he highlighted the fundamental issue lying “at the heart of this important appeal.”[163]

Judge King first noted that the Supreme Court has repeatedly affirmed that “Congress’s ‘central purpose’ in enacting the Bankruptcy Code was to ‘provide a procedure by which certain insolvent debtors can reorder their affairs, make peace with their creditors, and enjoy a new opportunity in life.’”[164] Critically, according to Judge King, the bankruptcy laws are intended “to give the bankrupt a fresh start”; any other interpretation would amount to manipulation of the Code.[165]

From Judge King’s perspective, Bestwall’s actions following the divisional merger manifest a clear intent to manipulate Chapter 11 bankruptcy. After splitting into two new entities and relocating to North Carolina, Bestwall “did not hire any employees, engage in any new business ventures, or do much of anything else.”[166] Instead, only three months after its inception, Bestwall filed for bankruptcy in North Carolina while simultaneously initiating an adversary proceeding to obtain a preliminary injunction and thereby shield its GoodCo from current and future tort claims.[167]

The parallels to Palmetto’s typical bad-faith filing fact pattern are clear. As explained above, Bestwall engaged in “no ongoing business activity,” faced extensive litigation rooted in “allegations of wrongdoing,” and demonstrated “new debtor syndrome” due to its creation on the eve of bankruptcy.[168] Each of these elements provides evidence of an intent to manipulate the Code. But unlike the pattern from Palmetto, Bestwall possessed one critical difference: the existence of a funding agreement that would ensure BadCo’s continued solvency, regardless of current and future tort claims.[169] As noted by the court in Aldrich Pump and described above, this single distinction all but forecloses the dismissal of a Texas Two-Step debtor’s Chapter 11 filing under Carolin’s objective futility prong. However, a debtor’s obvious lack of genuine financial distress should itself factor into the court’s analysis in order to preserve, as Judge King wrote, the “central purpose” of the Bankruptcy Code.

VI. Financial Distress as a Workable Constitutional Limitation

Even before the Texas Two-Step phenomenon, scholars have called on courts and Congress to consider more seriously the limitations on Congress’s power to enact bankruptcy laws. For example, the constitutional law scholar Thomas Plank considered the interchangeable usage of “bankruptcy” and “insolvency” laws from the time of the Framers.[170] Ultimately, he concluded that ‘the subject of Bankruptcies’ in the Bankruptcy Clause was intended to be “limited to the adjustment of the relationship between an insolvent debtor and the debtor’s creditors.”[171] Moreover, Plank called for a constitutional eligibility restriction to “prevent[] debtors and creditors from taking advantage of rules . . . to alter the rights of debtors and their creditors when the debtors can repay their creditors.”[172] Although insolvency may be difficult to determine, “[d]ifficulties in drawing a line required by the Constitution should not allow us to ignore that line or to suggest that the line really does not exist.”[173]

A. Insolvent Since the Inception

The historical survey of federal bankruptcy acts, alongside judicial considerations of the scope of Congress’s bankruptcy powers, supports Plank’s general assertion. Since Sturges in 1819, the Supreme Court has struggled to delineate laws governing bankruptcy from laws governing insolvency. In fact, the Court concluded that the two are essentially one and the same, effectively expanding the bankruptcy powers from its merchant debtor origins to encompass additional debtor-creditor relations.[174] And as the moral condemnation attached to bankruptcy diminished, subsequent bankruptcy acts afforded increased opportunities to insolvent debtors—eventually including corporate bankruptcies and debtor-initiated proceedings.[175] But throughout each of these iterations, at least a presumption of the debtor’s insolvency persisted.[176]

The court in Aldrich Pump correctly asserted that no court has ever expressly held “that the Bankruptcy Clause requires insolvency.”[177] But nevertheless, the Supreme Court has repeatedly affirmed an implicit understanding of the importance of the debtor’s financial distress. According to the Court, bankruptcy is intended to relieve the debtor from “the weight of oppressive indebtedness.”[178] And for more than a century after the Constitution’s ratification, no practical distinction was even made between bankruptcies and insolvencies[179]—in fact, well into the twentieth century, the terms remained essentially “convertible” for the purposes of the constitutional provision.[180]

The legal terms of “insolvency” and “bankruptcy,” thereby tied together from the earliest Court decisions to consider the “subject of Bankruptcies,” cannot now be easily separated and subsequently discarded. Rather, the Court should take the opportunity to provide a constitutional theory of bankruptcy while placing its own precedent and the evolution of bankruptcy laws within the modern context of corporate reform and restructuring.

B. Crafting a Unified Theory

As described by Jonathan Lipson, two primary reasons drive the need for such a constitutional theory of bankruptcy.[181] First, the increasing complexity of the bankruptcy system brings “[q]uestions involving the breadth and depth of the bankruptcy power” that “approach the core of the Constitution’s capacity to affect private ordering.”[182] And second, current bankruptcy theory has failed to seriously engage and define the parameters of this power.[183] Foremost among this questioned capacity to affect private ordering must be the relationship between solvent debtors and their creditors.

A definitive yet workable interpretation of the Bankruptcy Clause must somehow account for the complicated relationship between “bankruptcy” and “insolvency” laws, dating back to the time of the Framers.[184] Even favored tools of constitutional interpretation like originalism fail to provide an obvious panacea. How, for example, would a court employ originalism’s mandate to interpret words and phrases as they would “have been known to ordinary citizens in the founding generation” in the case of bankruptcy?[185] Would this ordinary public meaning maintain the legal distinction between the terms “bankruptcy” and “insolvency,” or would it adopt the colloquial understanding of their interchangeability? Or, alternatively, would it adopt Justice Story’s capacious view that “a law on the subject of bankruptcies, in the sense of the Constitution, is a law making provision for cases of persons failing to pay their debts.”[186] Such an understanding would thereby incorporate debtors both “unable, or unwilling to pay their debts.”[187]

Seemingly, Justice Story’s post hoc description of bankruptcy law should not alone dictate whether a debtor who simply refuses to pay his debts is eligible for bankruptcy. But any interpretation of the Bankruptcy Clause must acknowledge that insolvency itself is an imprecise state. Insolvency might indicate “that one’s liabilities exceed one’s assets.”[188] Alternatively, it could “mean simply the inability to repay debts as they become due.”[189]

To create a constitutional limitation on bankruptcy eligibility under Chapter 11, the Court does not need to draw a precise line on when, exactly, a corporation becomes insolvent. Instead, the Court should adopt a version of the Third Circuit’s good-faith filing standard to set a workable limitation on the bankruptcy powers.

C. Co-Opting the Good-Faith Standard

Intending to prevent the abuse of the bankruptcy process, judicial inventions like the § 1112(b) good-faith filing requirement simply put the cart before the horse.[190] Such tools, markedly absent from the Bankruptcy Code, in effect are employed to provide a limit on the availability of the bankruptcy powers. As Plank has argued, “[t]hat courts use these tools to prevent abuse by solvent debtors reflects the basic point that bankruptcy is designed to address the problems of insolvent debtors, not solvent debtors.”[191]

The Third Circuit employs financial distress as a requirement of good-faith filing. And in LTL, the court held that “good faith necessarily requires some degree of financial distress on the part of a debtor.”[192] While not strictly an insolvency requirement, this good-faith gateway ensures that the powerful provisions of the bankruptcy court remain available to corporations with an actual “need to rehabilitate or reorganize.”[193] Moreover, the financial distress requirement protects the integrity of the bankruptcy courts.[194]

To qualify, a debtor’s financial distress should be both apparent and immediate enough to justify a filing. Thus, “‘[a]n attenuated possibility standing alone’ that a debtor ‘may have to file for bankruptcy in the future’ does not establish good faith.’”[195] For example, in LTL, the Third Circuit considered two major factors in determining the financial distress of BadCo.

First, the court highlighted the extensive value available to LTL via its Funding Agreement, which expressly guaranteed access to the coffers of both GoodCo and Johnson & Johnson’s parent corporation.[196] As a result, LTL could draw on over $400 billion in equity value backed by a AAA credit rating to fund any talc-related costs and expenses.[197]

Second, the court surveyed the state of asbestos-related litigation to arrive at a reasonable projected estimate of the final litigation cost. Although the bankruptcy court had engaged in a series of hypothetical worst-case scenarios to find that the talc liabilities threatened Johnson & Johnson’s continued viability, the Third Circuit took a different view of the likely outcome.[198] The Third Circuit, assessing the high rate of settlements and successful dismissals, concluded that BadCo possessed the assets “to pay current and future talc claimants in full” without exhausting its funding resources.[199]

The debtor’s proposed financial distress must arise from a fact specific inquiry, taking into account factors such as solvency, cash reserves, liability, litigation, and overdue debts.[200] And it follows that a corporation cannot claim financial distress when the same corporation is the subject of a funding agreement guaranteed to pay all the liabilities that themselves create the purported need for Chapter 11 bankruptcy.

While the American bankruptcy system has clearly left behind the limited English and colonial understanding of bankruptcy as a creditor-initiated tool against defaulting merchant debtors, such an evolution does not demand the abandonment of all limitations on bankruptcy eligibility. The adoption of this good-faith requirement, measured by the existence of financial distress for the debtor, brings Congress’s bankruptcy powers back within their intended boundaries.

Conclusion

Courts have dealt with and deliberated over the overlap between bankruptcy and insolvency laws for years. Although Congress initially adopted England’s limited conception of bankruptcy as a merchant-focused, creditor-initiated proceeding, the Supreme Court quickly stepped in to embrace the more colloquial understanding of readily convertible bankruptcy and insolvency laws. As a result, for most of United States history, laws concerning bankruptcies and laws concerning insolvencies have largely operated as two sides of the same coin.

Yet with the rise of more complex corporations alongside a more open-ended Bankruptcy Code, legal strictures regarding the debtor’s insolvency have slowly fallen away. Now, corporations may invoke Chapter 11 bankruptcy despite a failure to demonstrate even an impending threat of insolvency. Thus, they employ the Code’s provisions to achieve global resolution of mass tort claims and rid themselves of the inconvenience of drawn-out litigation.

Due to the absence of an explicit insolvency requirement in the modern Bankruptcy Code, courts should adopt § 1112(b)’s implicit good-faith filing requirement to re-center bankruptcy theory on the Bankruptcy Clause’s fundamental purpose—that is, to provide a fresh start to the honest, unfortunate debtor. This purpose ultimately cannot be served “absent financial distress.”[201] Therefore, a requirement of financial distress would provide a workable standard to help bring the Code back within the constitutional limits both recognized and articulated throughout American history.

Nick Rader[202]

  1. . Katharine H. O’Neill, Dirty Dancing: Is the Texas Two-Step a Bad Faith Filing?, 91 Fordham L. Rev. 2471, 2477 (2023).
  2. . See, e.g., In re LTL Mgmt., LLC, 64 F.4th 84, 94 (3d Cir. 2023) (involving more than 38,000 lawsuits alleging that Johnson & Johnson’s baby powder caused ovarian cancer, with one Missouri jury awarding $4.69 billion to twenty-two ovarian cancer plaintiffs).
  3. . O’Neill, supra note 1, at 2477.
  4. . Id. at 2475, 2477.
  5. . Ralph Brubaker, Assessing the Legitimacy of the “Texas Two-Step” Mass-Tort Bankruptcy, Bankr. L. Letter, Aug. 2022, at 1, 1.
  6. . Id.; see also Mark Lee, Comment, Don’t Mess with Texas(?): Analyzing the Texas Two-Step Bankruptcies, 60 Wake Forest L. Rev. (forthcoming Apr. 2025).
  7. . O’Neill, supra note 1, at 2475.
  8. . Id. at 2479.
  9. . Id.
  10. . 11 U.S.C. § 524(g)(1)(B).
  11. . Id. § 524(g)(4)(A)(ii).
  12. . O’Neill, supra note 1, at 2511–12.
  13. . See, e.g., In re LTL Mgmt., LLC, 637 B.R. 396, 399–400 (Bankr. D.N.J. 2022), rev’d and remanded, 64 F.4th 84 (3d Cir. 2023); In re Aldrich Pump LLC, No. 20-30608, 2023 WL 9016506, at *2 (Bankr. W.D.N.C. Dec. 28, 2023). The general question is whether a debtor’s ability to pay current and future claimants in full shows that the Chapter 11 petition served no valid bankruptcy purpose and was therefore filed in bad faith.
  14. . 11 U.S.C. § 1112(b)(1).
  15. . Brubaker, supra note 5, at 4.
  16. . See O’Neill, supra note 1, at 2480.
  17. . See Steven Fruchter, The Objective and Jurisdictional Origins of Chapter 11’s Good Faith Filing Requirement, 96 Am. Bankr. L.J. 63, 63 (2022).
  18. . O’Neill, supra note 1, at 2481.
  19. . See Carolin Corp. v. Miller, 886 F.2d 693, 700–01 (4th Cir. 1989).
  20. . See Brubaker, supra note 5, at 3.
  21. . See O’Neill, supra note 1, at 2482.
  22. . In re LTL Mgmt., LLC, 64 F.4th 84, 100 (3d Cir. 2023) (quoting In re 15375 Mem’l Corp. v. BEPCO, L.P., 589 F.3d 605, 618 (3d Cir. 2009)).
  23. . In re Integrated Telecom Express, Inc., 384 F.3d 108, 120 (3d Cir. 2004).
  24. . LTL, 64 F.4th at 101.
  25. . Notably, the United States Bankruptcy Court for the Western District of North Carolina recently rejected the argument that financial distress provides a prerequisite for bankruptcy subject matter jurisdiction under the Bankruptcy Clause. See In re Bestwall, 658 B.R. 348, 379 (Bankr. W.D.N.C. 2024).
  26. . U.S. Const. art. I, § 8, cl. 4.
  27. . Thomas E. Plank, The Constitutional Limits of Bankruptcy, 63 Tenn. L. Rev. 487, 527 (1996).
  28. . The Federalist No. 42 (James Madison).
  29. . Joseph E. Simmons, Note, Reconstructing the Bankruptcy Power: An Originalist Approach, 131 Yale L.J. 306, 328 (2021).
  30. . See, e.g., 3 Joseph Story, Commentaries on the Constitution of the United States § 1100, at 4 (Boston, Hilliard, Gray & Co. 1833) (“The brevity, with which this subject is treated by the Federalist, is quite remarkable.”); Bruce H. Mann, Republic of Debtors: Bankruptcy in the Age of American Independence 169 (2002) (“This seeming nonchalance toward federalizing bankruptcy stands in sharp contrast to how large the issue of debt loomed in the 1780s . . . .”).
  31. . Charles J. Tabb, The Bankruptcy Clause, the Fifth Amendment, and the Limited Rights of Secured Creditors in Bankruptcy, 2015 U. Ill. L. Rev. 765, 775 (2015).
  32. . Simmons, supra note 29, at 320.
  33. . Id. at 317.
  34. . Plank, supra note 27, at 529.
  35. . Id. at 531.
  36. . Simmons, supra note 29, at 323–24.
  37. . Id. at 324.
  38. . Id. at 331.
  39. . Plank, supra note 27, at 533–34.
  40. . 17 U.S. 122 (1819).
  41. . Id. at 194.
  42. . Id. at 195.
  43. . Id. at 194.
  44. . Id. at 195.
  45. . Simmons, supra note 29, at 335.
  46. . See, e.g., In re Klein, 14 F. Cas. 719, 721 (D. Mo. 1843) (No. 7,866) (holding that Congress only had power to establish bankruptcy laws in the model of the English system—that is, for “proceeding[s] by creditors against debtors, who are traders”), rev’d, 14 F. Cas. 716 (C.C.D. Mo. 1843) (No. 7,865).
  47. . In re Klein, 14 F. Cas. 716, 719 (C.C.D. Mo. 1843) (No. 7,865).
  48. . Id. at 718.
  49. . Cont’l Ill. Nat’l Bank & Tr. Co. of Chi. v. Chi., Rock Island & Pac. Ry. Co., 294 U.S. 648, 670 (1935).
  50. . Mann, supra note 30, at 187.
  51. . Id. at 110.
  52. . Simmons, supra note 29, at 337.
  53. . Plank, supra note 27, at 546.
  54. . Id.
  55. . For an in-depth analysis of the relation between the Thirteenth Amendment and the bankruptcy system’s purpose to provide the debtor with a “fresh start,” see Simmons, supra note 29, at 352.
  56. . Id. at 344.
  57. . U.S. Const. amend. XIII, § 2.
  58. . Simmons, supra note 29, at 349.
  59. . See id. at 349–50.
  60. . See, e.g., Cont’l Ill. Nat’l Bank & Tr. Co. of Chi. v. Chi., Rock Island & Pac. Ry. Co., 294 U.S. 648, 669 (1935) (“But, while it is true that the power of Congress under the bankruptcy clause is not to be limited by the English or Colonial law in force when the Constitution was adopted, it does not follow that the power has no limitations.”)
  61. . See, e.g., Campbell v. Alleghany Corp., 75 F.2d 947, 953 (4th Cir. 1935) (noting that a petition for bankruptcy requires either “prior insolvency to be alleged” or “the commission of a prior act of bankruptcy to be alleged”).
  62. . Charles Jordan Tabb, The History of the Bankruptcy Laws in the United States, 3 Am. Bankr. Inst. L. Rev. 5, 23 (1995).
  63. . Id. at 24.
  64. . Williams v. U.S. Fid. & Guar. Co., 236 U.S. 549, 554–55 (1915).
  65. . See Hanover Nat’l Bank v. Moyses, 186 U.S. 181, 187–88 (1902).
  66. . Id.
  67. . Id. at 185 (quoting 3 Story, supra note 30, § 1106, at 11).
  68. . Id. (quoting 3 Story, supra note 30, § 1106, at 11).
  69. . Id. at 191 (quoting In re Fowler, 9 F. Cas. 614, 614 (D. Mass. 1867) (No. 4,998)).
  70. . 294 U.S. 648 (1935).
  71. . Id. at 667–68.
  72. . Id. at 669–70.
  73. . Id. at 670 (quoting Davidson v. City of New Orleans, 96 U.S. 97, 104 (1877)).
  74. . 76 F.2d 628 (4th Cir. 1935), reh’g granted on other grounds, 77 F.2d 992 (4th Cir. 1935).
  75. . Id. at 632.
  76. . Id. at 631.
  77. . Id. at 633 (emphasis added).
  78. . 75 F.2d 947 (4th Cir. 1935).
  79. . Id. at 949.
  80. . Id. at 951–52.
  81. . Id. at 953.
  82. . Id. at 951, 954.
  83. . Id. at 953. The Fourth Circuit was not at all unique in its formulation of the relationship between bankruptcy and insolvency during the New Deal era. For example, in 1938, the Supreme Court held that the predominant thrust of the “development of bankruptcy legislation has been towards relieving the honest debtor from oppressive indebtedness” to permit him a fresh start. Wright v. Union Cent. Life Ins. Co., 304 U.S. 502, 514 (1938). But simultaneously, the Court admitted that “[t]he subject of bankruptcies is incapable of final definition,” thereby recognizing the difficulty in setting a hard constitutional limitation. Id. at 513.
  84. . Cont’l Ill. Nat’l Bank & Tr. Co. of Chi. v. Chi., Rock Island & Pac. Ry. Co., 294 U.S. 648, 670 (1935) (quoting Davidson v. City of New Orleans, 96 U.S. 97, 104 (1877)).
  85. . See Ry. Lab. Exec.’s Ass’n v. Gibbons, 455 U.S. 457, 473 (1982); Siegel v. Fitzgerald, 142 S. Ct. 1770, 1775 (2022).
  86. . 455 U.S. 457 (1982).
  87. . Id. at 470.
  88. . 142 S. Ct. 1770 (2022).
  89. . Id. at 1777. Congress specifically enacted the temporary increase in response to a budgetary shortfall in the United States Trustee Program, which is funded primarily through fees paid by Chapter 11 debtors. Id. at 1776–77.
  90. . Id. at 1777.
  91. . Id. at 1782.
  92. . 546 U.S. 356 (2006).
  93. . Id. at 359.
  94. . Id. at 385–86 (Thomas, J., dissenting).
  95. . Id. at 386.
  96. . Id. (quoting Tabb, supra note 62, at 13–14).
  97. . Id. (citing Tabb, supra note 62, at 14–21).
  98. . Id. at 386–87.
  99. . Bartenwerfer v. Buckley, 143 S. Ct. 665, 670 (2023) (emphasis added).
  100. . 403 B.R. 668 (C.D. Cal. 2009), aff’d, 721 F.3d 1032 (9th Cir. 2013).
  101. . Id. at 684.
  102. . 11 U.S.C. § 1129(a)(3) (mandating that courts confirm a Chapter 11 plan only if the “plan has been proposed in good faith and not by any means forbidden by law”).
  103. . Marshall, 403 B.R. at 685. Of note, all federal bankruptcy laws prior to the Bankruptcy Act of 1898 contained an explicit insolvency requirement on the part of the debtor. Plank, supra note 27, at 546.
  104. . Marshall, 403 B.R. at 685.
  105. . Id. at 689.
  106. . Id. at 693.
  107. . Carolin Corp. v. Miller, 886 F.2d 693, 698 (4th Cir. 1989).
  108. . Id. (quoting In re Winshall Settlor’s Tr., 758 F.2d 1136, 1137 (6th Cir. 1985)).
  109. . 11 U.S.C. § 1112(b).
  110. . In re Little Creek Dev. Co., 779 F.2d 1068, 1072 (5th Cir. 1986).
  111. . Carolin, 886 F.2d at 700.
  112. . Id. at 700.
  113. . E.g., Ali M.M. Mojdehi & Janet Dean Gertz, The Implicit “Good Faith” Requirement in Chapter 11 Liquidations: A Rule in Search of a Rationale?, 14 Am. Bankr. Inst. L. Rev. 143, 156 (2006) (“It has been suggested that the implicit good faith filing requirement is utilized by courts to enforce the overriding jurisdictional limitations of the Bankruptcy Clause of the United States Constitution.”).
  114. . In re Bestwall LLC, 71 F.4th 168, 182 (4th Cir. 2023) (highlighting that the Fourth Circuit “applies a more comprehensive standard to a request for dismissal of a bankruptcy petition for lack of good faith” than the Third Circuit).
  115. . See Carolin, 886 F.2d at 694.
  116. . Id. at 698 (quoting In re Little Creek Dev. Co., 779 F.2d 1068, 1072 (5th Cir. 1986)).
  117. . 653 B.R. 230 (Bankr. D.S.C. 2023).
  118. . Id. at 242, 247.
  119. . Id. at 241.
  120. . In re LTL Mgmt., LLC, 64 F.4th 84, 109 (3d Cir. 2023).
  121. . See, e.g., id.
  122. . See In re Bestwall LLC, 71 F.4th 168, 186 (4th Cir. 2023) (King, J., dissenting in part).
  123. . 64 F.4th 84 (3d Cir. 2023).
  124. . Id. at 109.
  125. . Id. at 93–94.
  126. . Id. at 93.
  127. . Id. at 96.
  128. . Id.
  129. . Id. at 93.
  130. . Id. at 97.
  131. . Id. at 97–98.
  132. . In re LTL Mgmt., LLC, 637 B.R. 396, 399–400 (Bankr. D.N.J. 2022), rev’d and remanded, 64 F.4th 83 (3d Cir. 2023).
  133. . Id. at 430.
  134. . LTL, 64 F.4th at 105.
  135. . Id. at 101.
  136. . Id. at 102.
  137. . Id.
  138. . Id. at 109.
  139. . No. 20-30608, 2023 WL 9016506 (Bankr. W.D.N.C. Dec. 28, 2023).
  140. . See id. at *5.
  141. . Id. at *24, *33.
  142. . Id. at *16–17.
  143. . Id. at *17.
  144. . Id. at *18.
  145. . Id.
  146. . See id. at *25–26.
  147. . 300 B.R. 507 (Bankr. C.D. Cal. 2003), aff’d, 403 B.R. 667 (C.D. Cal. 2009), aff’d, 721 F.3d 1032 (9th Cir. 2013).
  148. . Aldrich Pump, 2023 WL 9016506, at *18. On appeal to the United States District Court for the Central District of California, the court in In re Marshall declined to address the “difficult constitutional question of drawing the exact boundary of the bankruptcy power” due to the debtors’ obvious financial distress. In re Marshall, 403 B.R. 668, 689 (C.D. Cal. 2009), aff’d, 721 F.3d 1032 (9th Cir. 2013). Thus, the court left unanswered the case “where the debtor is so far from being insolvent that a question arises as to whether he or she can constitutionally discharge his or her debt in bankruptcy.” Id.
  149. . Aldrich Pump, 2023 WL 9016506, at *18.
  150. . Cont’l Ill. Nat’l Bank & Tr. Co. v. Chi., Rock Island & Pac. Ry. Co., 294 U.S. 648, 671 (1935).
  151. . Id. at 670 (quoting Davidson v. City of New Orleans, 96 U.S. 97, 104 (1877)).
  152. . Aldrich Pump, 2023 WL 9016506, at *23.
  153. . 886 F.2d 693 (4th Cir. 1989).
  154. . Aldrich Pump, 2023 WL 9016506, at *25–26. This argument gains additional credence when considering the express assumption of a debtor’s insolvency articulated in early Fourth Circuit corporate reorganization cases. See supra Section II.B.
  155. . Aldrich Pump, 2023 WL 9016506, at *27. In Carolin, the Fourth Circuit first applied the standard’s “objective futility” of resuscitation prong to a fatally insolvent debtor. A solvent corporation, flush with a practically inexhaustible funding agreement, would presumably always retain the possibility of resuscitation. Thus, according to the court in Aldrich Pump, “one wonders whether the Carolin majority contemplated” this standard’s use in the case of solvent, non-distressed corporations, “given the rarity of such non-distressed entities filing bankruptcy” in 1989. Id.
  156. . Id.
  157. . Id.
  158. . 71 F.4th 168 (4th Cir. 2023).
  159. . Id. at 173–74.
  160. . Id. at 182.
  161. . Id.
  162. . Id. at 185.
  163. . Id. at 186 (King, J., dissenting in part).
  164. . Id. at 185 (quoting Grogan v. Garner, 498 U.S. 279, 286 (1991)).
  165. . Id. at 185–86 (quoting Burlingham v. Crouse, 228 U.S. 459, 473 (1913)).
  166. . Id. at 187.
  167. . Id.
  168. . Compare id. at 186–87, with In re Palmetto Interstate Dev. II, Inc., 653 B.R. 230, 242 (Bankr. D.S.C. 2023).
  169. . Bestwall, 71 F.4th at 175; see also In re LTL Mgmt., LLC, 64 F.4th 84, 109 (3d Cir. 2023) (reasoning that LTL’s funding agreement fulfilled the role of “an ATM disguised as a contract”).
  170. . Plank, supra note 27, at 529–30.
  171. . Thomas E. Plank, Bankruptcy and Federalism, 71 Fordham L. Rev. 1063, 1089 (2002) (quoting U.S. Const. art. I, § 8).
  172. . Id. at 1095.
  173. . Plank, supra note 27, at 493–94.
  174. . Sturges v. Crowninshield, 17 U.S. 122, 194 (1819).
  175. . Simmons, supra note 29, at 337.
  176. . Plank, supra note 27, at 546.
  177. . In re Aldrich Pump LLC, No. 20-30608, 2023 WL 9016506, at *18 (Bankr. W.D.N.C. Dec. 28, 2023).
  178. . Williams v. U.S. Fid. & Guar. Co., 236 U.S. 549, 554 (1915).
  179. . Hanover Nat’l Bank v. Moyses, 186 U.S. 181, 185 (1902) (quoting 3 Story, supra note 30, § 1106, at 11).
  180. . See Cont’l Ill. Nat’l Bank & Tr. Co. of Chi. v. Chi., Rock Island & Pac. Ry. Co., 294 U.S. 648, 668 (1935).
  181. . Jonathan C. Lipson, Debt and Democracy: Towards a Constitutional Theory of Bankruptcy, 83 Notre Dame L. Rev. 605, 616 (2008).
  182. . Id.
  183. . Id. at 617.
  184. . See, e.g., Sturges v. Crowninshield, 17 U.S. 122, 194–95 (1819); Simmons, supra note 29, at 323.
  185. . District of Columbia v. Heller, 554 U.S. 570, 576–77 (2008).
  186. . 3 Story, supra note 30, § 1108, at 14 n.3.
  187. . Id. (emphasis added).
  188. . Mann, supra note 30, at 45.
  189. . Id.
  190. . Plank, supra note 27, at 555.
  191. . Id.
  192. . In re LTL Mgmt., LLC, 64 F.4th 84, 101 (3d Cir. 2023) (quoting In re Integrated Telecom Express, Inc., 384 F.3d 108, 121 (3d Cir. 2004)).
  193. . In re SGL Carbon Corp., 200 F.3d 154, 166 (3d Cir. 1999).
  194. . Id. at 160–62.
  195. . LTL, 64 F.4th at 101 (quoting SGL Carbon, 200 F.3d at 164).
  196. . Id. at 106.
  197. . Id.
  198. . Id. at 108.
  199. . Id. at 109.
  200. . In re Rent-A-Wreck of Am., Inc., 580 B.R. 364, 375 (Bankr. D. Del. 2018).
  201. . LTL, 64 F.4th at 101.
  202. . J.D. Candidate, May 2025, Wake Forest University School of Law; M.A., 2021, Florida State University; B.A., 2015, University of Notre Dame. I would like to thank Colin Ridgell and Mark Lee for their invaluable assistance in bringing this Comment to fruition.

By: Andrew Ring

On February 7, 2025, North Carolina Governor Josh Stein (Stein) filed a complaint in state court challenging portions of Senate Bill 382 (SB 382),[1] a disaster relief bill passed last December designed to provide relief to Western North Carolina following Hurricane Helene.[2]

Stein is not challenging the aid portions of the bill, however, and instead is seeking to nullify provisions that severely limit the Governor’s discretion to nominate replacements for vacant North Carolina appellate and Supreme Court seats.[3] Previously, the Governor had seemingly “unfettered” decision-making with no oversight or input from the legislative branch.[4] Now, SB 382 requires that the Governor fill both appellate and Supreme Court vacancies by selecting from a list of three candidates curated by the executive committee of the departing judge’s political party.[5]

While several states have legislatively implemented selection committees to provide candidates for judicial vacancies,[6] the North Carolina legislature’s attempt may prove to be difficult given the text of the state Constitution potentially conflicts with SB 382.

The Arguments

In recent years, the Democratic Governor and Republican Legislature have become familiar foes in North Carolina Courts, with both sides seeking to define the role of the executive in ways favorable to their respective parties.[7]With that in mind, below is an overview of the arguments that both sides will likely bring forward. 

While the Republican legislative defendants in the SB 382 lawsuit have not filed an Answer as of now,[8] their argument will likely center on both constitutional interpretation and separation of powers arguments. Article IV, Section 19 of the North Carolina Constitution states that “all vacancies occurring in [the court of appeals and Supreme Court] shall be filled by appointment of the Governor.”[9] The defendants will likely argue that the Governor is still filling the judicial vacancies by appointment and is therefore not violating the plain language of the North Carolina Constitution. Additionally, they will likely argue that this limitation on the Governor’s discretion is not enough to “prevent [the executive] branch from performing its constitutional duties,” which would violate the separation of powers clause.[10] After all, the Governor would still be “appointing” the vacancy, just now with a narrower set of options. 

On the other hand, Democrat Governor Stein is arguing that both the plain language of Article IV, Section 19 and the express requirement of separation of powers in the North Carolina Constitution together render the vacancy changes unconstitutional.[11] Additionally, Stein is making a contextual argument that since the North Carolina Constitution lays out the vacancy appointment process for superior court judges that invites the General Assembly to make changes, the Founders would have done the same for appellate and Supreme Court vacancies had they so desired.[12] Stein also contends that the defendants already knew this type of change to the vacancy appointment process requires a constitutional amendment, given that during the November 2018 elections the measure was put on the ballot and shot down.[13]

What’s Next?

Both parties in this case are making arguments that have roots in the North Carolina Constitution. However, given recent North Carolina Supreme Court decisions clarifying the notions of separation of power, it seems the superior court might be inclined to grant Stein’s requested declaratory and injunctive relief.[14]

The Court has continued to emphasize the textual commitment to the separation of powers in the North Carolina Constitution by siding with the executive branch when the legislature has tried to constrain its authority.[15] For instance, in Cooper v. Berger, the Court held that the republican legislature’s attempt to constrain former democrat Governor Roy Cooper’s appointments to an executive branch commission violated the separation of powers.[16] In Cooper, the legislature modified the nomination and oversight power of the Governor to a state election committee, requiring the Governor to choose from a list of nominees from the opposing political party and only allowing committee member dismissal for malfeasance.[17] The Cooper Court found that constraining gubernatorial power in this way “impermissibly interfere[d] with the Governor’s ability to execute  the laws in any manner.”[18]

While Cooper involved a separation of powers dispute regarding an executive branch commission,[19] Stein v. Hall is comparable in that it involves interference of the Governor’s appointment power. The Cooper Court emphasized the importance of the Governor maintaining control, without undue interference, of appointment powers granted to the Governor by the state Constitution.[20] The “selection list” model adopted in SB 382 constrains the Governor’s power to appoint judicial vacancies in the same vein as the measures struck down as unconstitutional in Cooper. With this comparison and the constitutional text in mind, it would not be surprising to see the superior court rule in favor of Stein and find the vacancy appointment measures unconstitutional. 

While scholars have debated the importance of placing some check on a Governor’s appointment power, it seems that in North Carolina it needs to be done via constitutional amendment.[21] Given the importance and contentious nature of this issue, this case will likely make its way up to the North Carolina Supreme Court by the end of 2025 no matter which way the superior court rules. 


[1] Verified Complaint at 1–2, Stein v. Hall, No. 25CV004705-910 (N.C. Sup. Ct. Feb. 7, 2025).

[2] The Disaster Recovery Act of 2024 – Part III, 2024 N.C. Sess. Law. 2024-57 (S.B. 382).

[3] Id. at § 120–22. 

[4] See John V. Orth & Paul M. Newby, The North Carolina State Constitution 141–42 (2d ed. 2013); see also N.C. Gen. Stat. §163-9(a) (2024). 

[5] Id. 

[6] See Stephen Ware, Judicial Selection Fails Separation of Powers, 72 Cath. U. L. Rev. 299, 319 (2023). 

[7] See e.g., Cooper v. Berger, 370 N.C. 392 (2018) (discussing separation of powers regarding executive oversight of elections).

[8] As of Feb. 16, 2025.  

[9] N.C. Const. art. IV, §19.

[10] See Cooper, 370 N.C. at 414 (quoting State ex rel. McCrory v. Berger, 368 N.C. 633, 645 (2016)). 

[11] See Verified Complaint at 5–7, Stein v. Hall, No. 25CV004705-910 (N.C. Sup. Ct. Feb. 7, 2025). 

[12] Id. at 7. 

[13] Id. There were 2,385,696 votes (66.85%) against modifying the Amendment and 1,183,080 (33.15%) in favor. Id. 

[14] Id. at 1. 

[15] See e.g.Cooper, 370 N.C. at 414; McCrory, 368 N.C. at 644–45.

[16] Cooper, 370 N.C. at 416–17.

[17] Id.  

[18] Id. at 417.

[19] Id. at 416–17.

[20] See id. at 418. 

[21] See Orth & Newby, supra note 4, at 325–26.

 

By: Anna Lants

On December 16, 2024, the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of North Carolina dismissed a lawsuit challenging the state’s prohibition on the unauthorized practice of law (“UPL”), igniting a debate over free speech, access to justice, and the regulation of the legal profession.[1]

The plaintiffs—two certified paralegals in coordination with the North Carolina Justice for All Project—argue North Carolina’s UPL laws, which prohibit non-lawyers from giving legal advice, violate their First Amendment right to free speech and exacerbate an already significant access-to-justice gap.[2] Last month, the plaintiffs appealed the district court’s dismissal in Polaski v. Lee, setting the stage for a legal battle that could have significant implications for the regulation of the legal profession in the state.[3]

North Carolina’s Law on the Unauthorized Practice of Law

North Carolina’s UPL statutes broadly define the practice of law to include “performing any legal service for any other person, firm or corporation, with or without compensation.”[4] This includes representing individuals or entities in legal matters, preparing legal documents or court filings, and providing legal advice or counsel.[5] Excluding narrow exceptions carved out for mediators, real estate brokers, and licensed motor vehicle dealers, non-lawyers who hold themselves out as being “competent or qualified” to perform these legal services may be found guilty of a criminal offense.[6]

Paralegals, as non-lawyers, are subject to these UPL laws. While the North Carolina State Bar and North Carolina Supreme Court recognize that paralegal utilization is essential to the provision of affordable legal services (and accordingly adopted proficiency standards for paralegal certification in 2004), paralegals are still constrained in the type and extent of services they may perform.[7] For example, paralegals must be directly supervised by a licensed attorney.[8] Furthermore, paralegals may perform only “legally-related tasks,” as distinguished from “legal services.”[9] According to the North Carolina State Bar, such tasks include communicating settlement terms with insurers, requesting client signatures on documents, and handling the disbursements of proceeds for transactions.[10] However, in all instances, paralegals are prohibited from exercising “independent legal judgment.”[11]

Why Paralegals Argue UPL Laws Violate Their Right to Free Speech

In January 2024, two North Carolina paralegals, who combined have more than 40 years of experience working under licensed attorneys,[12] sued to challenge North Carolina’s UPL statutes on First Amendment grounds. Joined by the North Carolina Justice for All Project, a nonprofit advocating for expanded access to legal assistance for low-income individuals, the plaintiffs argued the state’s broad UPL laws unconstitutionally restrict speech, namely legal advice.[13]They maintain that legal advice constitutes protected speech under the First Amendment, which has “no occupational licensing exception.”[14]

Specifically, the Polaski plaintiffs seek to provide free or low-cost legal advice on basic court-created forms for common legal problems, such as evictions, restraining orders, estate planning, and uncontested divorces.[15] The primary beneficiaries of this legal advice, they argue, would be North Carolinians who cannot afford a lawyer but who earn too much to qualify for free legal assistance;[16] the North Carolina Justice for All Project has dubbed this group the “missing middle.”[17]

However, although the plaintiffs characterize such services as very “simple,” they require paralegals to tailor their advice to their clients’ “factual circumstances and legal goals,” thus forcing them to exercise “independent legal judgment.”[18]As a result, performing these services would constitute the “practice of law,” in violation of the state’s UPL laws.[19]

In Defense of North Carolina’s UPL Laws

The defendants—five North Carolina prosecutors and the then-president of the North Carolina State Bar—moved to dismiss the plaintiff’s First Amendment challenge, citing to Capital Associated Industries, Inc. v. Stein (in which the Fourth Circuit ruled that North Carolina’s UPL statutes were content-neutral laws regulating conduct, with only an incidental impact on speech).[20] Notably, the Fourth Circuit held that UPL statutes “don’t target the communicative aspects of practicing law, such as the advice lawyers may give to clients,” but rather “focus more broadly on the question of who may conduct themselves as a lawyer.”[21] According to the Fourth Circuit, any effect on speech “is merely incidental to the primary objective of regulating the conduct of the profession.”[22]

Siding with the defense, the Polaski court dismissed the First Amendment challenge, holding that North Carolina’s UPL statutes satisfy the requisite intermediate scrutiny analysis.[23] As noted by the Polaski court, UPL laws serve a substantial state interest: protecting citizens from unqualified legal assistance and ensuring adherence to professional ethical standards.[24] Because only attorneys, and not paralegals, are governed by the Rules of Professional Conduct, which impose duties of competence and loyalty, the court emphasized that clients lack sufficient recourse against non-lawyers.[25]

Looking Ahead: What Polaski Means for Access to Legal Services

Last month, the plaintiffs appealed the dismissal to the Fourth Circuit.[26] In support, they point to a number of other states—including Arizona and Utah—that have reformed their UPL laws to create limited practice rights for paralegals.[27] A favorable ruling from the Fourth Circuit could encourage similar reforms in North Carolina.

Ultimately, Polaski is a critical case in the ongoing debate over access to justice and the regulation of legal services. Its outcome will undoubtedly have lasting implications for both the legal profession and the many North Carolinians who struggle to afford basic legal assistance.[28]


[1] Polaski v. Lee, No. 7:24-CV-4-BO-BM, 2024 WL 5121029, at *1 (E.D.N.C. Dec. 16, 2024).

[2] Id.

[3] Notice of Appeal, Polaski v. Lee, No. 7:24-CV-4-BO-BM, 2024 WL 5121029 (E.D.N.C. Dec. 16, 2024).

[4] N.C. Gen. Stat. § 84–2.1 (2024). 

[5] Id. See also N.C. Gen. Stat. § 84–4 (2024).

[6] N.C. Gen. Stat. §§ 84–2.1(b), 84–4, 84–8.

[7] Guidelines for Use of Paralegals in Rendering Legal Services, N.C. State Bar Paralegal Certification (2010), https://www.nccertifiedparalegal.gov/guidelines/guidelines-on-the-use-of-paralegals/.

[8] Reporting and Preventing the Unauthorized Practice of Law, N.C. State Bar, https://www.ncbar.gov/for-the-public/reporting-and-preventing-the-unauthorized-practice-of-law/ (last visited Feb. 10, 2025).

[9] Guidelines for Use of Paralegals in Rendering Legal Services, supra note 7.

[10] Id.

[11] Id.

[12] Sydney Haulenbeek, ‘Our Speech is Chilled’: North Carolina Paralegals Sue to Provide Legal Advice, Courthouse News Service(Jan. 4, 2024), https://www.courthousenews.com/our-speech-is-chilled-north-carolina-paralegals-sue-to-provide-legal-advice/.

[13] Polaski, 2024 WL 5121029, at *1.

[14] Haulenbeek, supra note 12.

[15] Polaski, 2024 WL 5121029, at *1–2.

[16] Id. at *1.

[17] Plaintiffs’ Memorandum in Opposition to Defendants’ Motion to Dismiss, Polaski v. Lee, No. 7:24-CV-4-BO-BM, 2024 WL 5121029 (E.D.N.C. Dec. 16, 2024).

[18] Polaski, 2024 WL 5121029, at *2.

[19] See N.C. Gen. Stat. §§ 84–2.1(a), 84–4, 84–8.

[20] Polaski, 2024 WL 5121029, at *1 (citing Cap. Associated Indus., Inc. v. Stein, 922 F.3d 198, 207 (4th Cir. 2019)).

[21] Cap. Associated Indus., 922 F.3d at 208.

[22] Id.

[23] Polaski, 2024 WL 5121029, at *2–4.

[24] Id. at *4.

[25] Id. (citing N.C. R. Pro. Conduct r. 1.1; 1.7–1.13).

[26] Notice of Appeal, supra note 3.

[27] Plaintiffs’ Memorandum in Opposition to Defendants’ Motion to Dismiss, supra note 17. Arizona, Minnesota, Oregon, and Utah currently allow paralegals to obtain a limited license “to provide viable alternatives to hiring a lawyer for uncomplicated legal needs,” particularly in the areas of family law and landlord-tenant law, “when the client cannot afford a lawyer.” Tara Hughes & Joyce Reichard, How States Are Using Limited Licensed Legal Paraprofessionals to Address the Access to Justice Gap, Am. Bar Ass’n(Sep. 2, 2022), https://www.americanbar.org/groups/paralegals/blog/how-states-are-using-non-lawyers-to-address-the-access-to-justice-gap/.

[28] Phillip Suderman, North Carolina Nonprofit, Paralegals Plan to Appeal Court’s Ruling Dismissing Case Challenging State’s Ban on Legal Advice from Non-Lawyers, Institute for Justice (Dec. 18, 2024), https://ij.org/press-release/north-carolina-nonprofit-paralegals-plan-to-appeal-courts-ruling-dismissing-case-challenging-states-ban-on-legal-advice-from-non-lawyers/#:~:text=JFAP%27s%20lawsuit%20challenges%20North%20Carolina%27s,restraining%20orders%2C%20and%20uncontested%20divorces (“According to a comprehensive study, 71 percent of low-income North Carolinians will experience at least one civil legal problem each year, and 86 percent of those legal needs will ‘go unmet because of limited resources for civil legal aid providers.’”)

By: Virginia Brown

The first two weeks of President Donald Trump’s (“Trump”) second term have been marked by a flurry of activity: executive orders, firings, and hirings, but arguably nothing more dramatic or wide-sweeping than the attempted federal funding freeze.[1]

The story starts with the Office of Management and Budget (“OMB”) memorandum (the “memo”) released on Monday, January 27, 2025.[2] This memo directed federal agencies to “to the extent permissible under applicable law… temporarily pause all activities related to obligation or disbursement of all Federal financial assistance and other relevant agency activities that may be implicated by the executive orders.” The “executive orders” in question were the ones that Trump had just signed which, according to the memo, aimed to eliminate “Marxist equity, transgenderism, and green new deal social engineering policies.”[3]

Immediate Response

The broad language of the memo caused widespread outcry and confusion, both among federal agency employees and the states themselves.[4] Twenty-two states and the District of Columbia, including North Carolina, sued to prevent the memo from being enforced.[5] The pause would affect every federal agency and would seem to, at least temporarily, freeze every grant of money from a federal agency, including things from SNAP benefits to student loans. While uncertain, this appeared to affect trillions of dollars in federal grants and loans.[6]

Concerningly, while there were carveouts for Medicare and Social Security, the status of Medicaid was uncertain.[7] Medicaid is a massive federal expense, and the impact of suddenly pausing such payments would be astronomical.[8] North Carolina alone gets billions of dollars in federal funding from Medicaid.[9] The federal freeze was even suspected of causing Medicaid reimbursement portals to go offline in all 50 states on Tuesday, the day after the memo was issued.[10]

Legal Challenges and Executive Response

One day after the federal freeze was issued, a federal judge issued an injunction blocking the memo from taking effect until Monday, February 3 while he considered arguments about the freeze’s legality.[11] The next day, the OMB rescinded the memo.[12] This is notable, not just for the chaos of the two days when it was out, but because it is the only blemish, and so far the only successful pushback in the otherwise smooth rollout of President Trump’s agenda for his second term.[13] However, later that same day, the White House, in an X post by President Trump’s Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt, stated that this rescission is “NOT a recission of the federal funding freeze. It is simply a recission of the OMB memo…. The President’s EO’s on federal funding remain in full force and effect, and will be rigorously implemented.”[14]

On January 31, another federal judge ordered a temporary pause in the freeze,[15] finding that, based on the post, there was “sufficient evidence” that the government still planned to carry out the policy. Trump administration officials have since clarified that programs that provide direct assistance to Americans would not be affected by any pause in funding.[16]

Constitutionality of the Funding Freeze

Although the current status of the funding freeze is uncertain, the fact remains that this is a policy that the Trump administration intends to pursue in some form and that such a policy would have undetermined, wide-ranging effects. But is this a legal exercise of executive power?

Challengers to these actions are likely to look to the Impoundment Control Act.[17] This 1974 law was passed to prevent the President from withholding spending on programs that he does not support.[18] That law does allow the President to temporarily withhold funds, but he must notify Congress, and the decision cannot be policy-motivated.[19] However, Trump’s nominee to run the OMB and his appointment to OMB general counsel both believe that the Impoundment Control Act itself is unconstitutional.[20]

Challengers also may argue that the action is unconstitutional based on the provision that the President “take care that the laws be faithfully executed” and the idea that it is the role of Congress, not the executive to impose taxes and spend money.[21] While the Trump administration seems to assume that the Supreme Court will be sympathetic, there is Supreme Court precedent acknowledging restrictions on presidential power when it comes to spending or withholding money.[22] In 1974, the Court ruled that the President could not withhold funding that Congress had allocated to reducing water pollution.[23] In 1998, the Court invalidated a law that allowed the president to issue “line item” vetoes of laws passed by Congress – that is the President could not veto specific items within legislation instead of accepting or vetoing the full text.[24] Freezing certain programs based on ideology is akin to a years-delayed line item veto.[25] It seems imminent that the issue will at least end up before the Supreme Court, but the outcome remains to be seen.[26]


[1] See The Daily, Trump 2.0 Arrives in Force, The New York Times (Jan. 31, 2025), https://www.nytimes.com/2025/01/31/podcasts/the-daily/trump-guantanamo-confirmation-rfk.html.

[2] Memorandum for Heads of Executive Departments and Agencies from the Office of Management and Budget (Jan. 27, 2025).

[3] Id.

[4] Dan Mangan & Kevin Breuninger, White House Says Trump Funding Freeze Remains in Effect Despite Rescinding OMB Memo, CNBC (Jan. 29, 2025, 3:40 PM), https://www.cnbc.com/2025/01/29/white-house-rescinds-federal-funds-freeze-memo.html.

[5] Sophie Clark, Full List of States Suing Donald Trump Over Federal Funding Freeze, Newsweek (Jan. 29, 2025, 6:58 AM), https://www.newsweek.com/full-list-states-suing-donald-trump-federal-funding-freeze-2022653.

[6] Katherine Faulders & Will Steakin, OMB General Counsel Faces Backlash Following Federal Funding Freeze Order: Sources, ABC News (Jan. 31, 2025, 3:04 PM), https://abcnews.go.com/US/omb-general-counsel-faces-backlash-federal-funding-freeze/story?id=118321938.

[7] Clark, supra note 5.

[8] Health Care in North Carolina, KFF (last visited Jan. 31, 2025), https://www.kff.org/statedata/election-state-fact-sheets/north-carolina/#:~:text=Total%20Medicaid%20and%20CHIP%20enrollment,the%20pandemic%20in%20February%202020.

[9] Id.

[10] Mangan & Breuninger, supra note 4.

[11] Id.

[12] Id.

[13] Faulders & Steakin, supra note 6; The Daily, supra note 1.

[14] Mangan & Breuninger, supra note 4.

[15] Michael Casey, Second Judge Temporarily Blocks Federal Funding Freeze Efforts by Trump Administration, PBS News (Jan 31, 2025, 5:21 PM), https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/second-judge-temporarily-blocks-federal-funding-freeze-efforts-by-trump-administration.

[16] Id.

[17] Lindsay Whitehurst, White House Rescinds Federal Funding Freeze Amid Legal Battle, Widespread Confusion, Associated Press (Jan 29, 2023, 5:45 PM), https://apnews.com/article/federal-grants-loans-pause-trump-supreme-court-87f4951ad01ea2782ef5290642b0305e.

[18] Id.

[19] Id.

[20] Lawrence Hurley, Trump’s Effort to Withhold Federal Funding Triggers Constitutional Showdown, NBC News (Jan. 28, 2025, 5:22 PM), https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/white-house/trumps-effort-withhold-federal-funding-will-trigger-imminent-legal-act-rcna189583.

[21] Id.; Ivan Pereira, Trump Funding Freese a Blatant Violation of Constitution, Federal Law: Legal Experts, ABC News (Jan. 28, 2025, 5:20 PM) https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/trump-funding-freeze-blatant-violation-constitution-federal-law/story?id=118183957.

[22] Hurley, supra note 20.

[23] Whitehurst, supra note 17.

[24] Hurley, supra note 20.

[25] See id.

[26] Whitehurst, supra note 17.

On January 10th, the Supreme Court of the United States (“Supreme Court”) heard arguments about whether the Protecting Americans from Foreign Adversary Controlled Applications Act (the “Act”), as applied, would violate TikTok, Inc.’s First Amendment rights. As of Friday, January 17, the Supreme Court ruled to uphold the Act.[1] The Supreme Court found that the Government’s national security justifications were compelling, and the Act was narrowly tailored to further those interests.[2]  Therefore, the Act was not a violation of the First Amendment.[3] The Act will make it unlawful for companies in the United States to provide services to distribute, maintain, or update the social media platform TikTok unless the platform is severed from Chinese control.[4] As of January 19th, TikTok is effectively banned from the United States.

This Act went into effect one day before President Joe Biden (“President Biden”) left office.[5] President Biden stated that he would not enforce the ban on his final day as president, as it would be impossible to bring an enforcement proceeding to completion in one day.[6] Ultimately, President Donald Trump (“President Trump”) will be tasked with enforcing the law. President Trump has filed a brief claiming that he “alone possesses the consummate dealmaking expertise, the electoral mandate, and the political will to negotiate a resolution to save the platform while addressing the national security concerns expressed by the Government.”[7] Despite President Trump being the first to raise concern over TikTok in 2020, he now claims to be committed to saving the app.[8] Critics are curious as to how this will play into President Trump’s political agenda.[9]

What does this mean for everyday users?

The Act makes it unlawful for app stores to sell and maintain TikTok.[10] After the ruling by the Supreme Court, TikTok threatened to “Go Dark” unless the Biden administration assured them that Apple, Google, and other companies would not be punished for providing TikTok services in the US.[11] Despite the fact that President Biden had made clear that his administration would not take any immediate action against Apple, Google, and other companies, TikTok proceeded to “Go Dark”.[12]  TikTok went dark for a little over 12 hours from January 18th to the 19th, returning with a message thanking President Trump for providing the necessary clarity needed for the app’s return.[13]

However, TikTok is still banned, and moving forward the app will no longer be available on app stores.[14] Users who deleted the app during the blackout period or users seeking to download the app for the first time will be unable to do so.[15]  Existing users will be able to continue using the app on their devices.[16] But, since the app is no longer available for updates it will likely develop glitches and stop working over time.[17] Similar to “Flappy Bird”, a once famous app that users downloaded to play games. When Flappy Bird was shut down, the app was removed from the App Store and Google Play, but users who previously had the app on their devices could continue to play the game.[18] However, over time the app began to slow down and eventually became obsolete. Current users of TikTok may experience a very similar outcome. In an attempt to prevent this, President Trump has announced that he will issue an executive order to extend the period before the Act goes into effect, so that his administration can make a deal to protect national security.[19] If President Trump is unable to “save” TikTok, the ban may negatively affect millions of citizens and small businesses.

What does this mean for TikTok Creators?

Since the start of social media, there have been “influencers” and “content creators” but with TikTok, the fame of content creators rose to a new level. “The creator economy is worth $250 billion, and TikTok hosts more than one million influencers, many of whom make a living or supplement their income through the platform.”[20] Content creators are now on TV commercials, magazine covers, hosting podcasts, and making appearances on television. TikTok users have expressed their desire to see “normal” people on their screens, and companies are listening. Companies are selecting content creators for their campaigns and having them post casual content on TikTok instead of putting out TV commercials or other ad campaigns. Companies have realized that these types of ads are bringing in the most profit and influencers are requesting a pretty penny for these posts. Micro-influencers report making anywhere from $500-$2,000 a post, while celebrity influencers make anywhere from $20,000 to $200,000 a post.[21] Content creators not only make money from ad campaigns but also through the creator fund. The TikTok creator fund allows creators to receive funds based on a variety of factors from their videos, such as likes, views, and other forms of engagement.[22] Users can make anywhere from $0.02-$0.04 per 1,000 views.[23] Creators who post several videos a month that get millions of views each can make a substantial income from the creator fund.

Additionally, the TikTok ban will also affect companies, especially small businesses who rely on social media to get customers in the door. Small businesses in North Carolina are bracing for impact. Annabelle Johnson, owner of a Charlotte-based online boutique Homewurk, said she owns 99% of her business’ success to TikTok.[24] Small businesses are going to be forced to shift to different social media platforms to promote their business. In preparation for the TikTok ban Charlotte content creators and businesses are migrating to other social media platforms like Facebook, Instagram, and YouTube.[25] Instagram and YouTube are expected to experience an increase in engagement because of the TikTok ban, as content creators may try to maintain their social media presence on these platforms.

Ultimately, many creators have reported quitting their jobs and working solely as content creators, but now with the TikTok ban many creators may be forced to return to work or to make other social media platforms work. Investment analysts predict that Instagram and YouTube both stand to gain “incrementally” more revenue and time spent on their platforms following the TikTok ban.[26] Instagram has developed “Instagram Reels”, and YouTube has implemented “YouTube Shorts”, but are these really on par with TikTok?[27] The question now becomes, can YouTube, Facebook, or  Instagram regain its popularity and maintain the same level of engagement as TikTok?


[1]  Updates: Supreme Court Backs Law Requiring TikTok to be Sold or Banned, NY Times (Jan 17, 2025), https://www.nytimes.com/live/2025/01/17/us/tiktok-ban-supreme-court; TikTok v. Garland, No. 24-656 (Jan. 17, 2025).

[2] TikTok, slip op. at 6.

[3] Id.

[4] Id.; Protecting Americans from Foreign Adversary Controlled Applications Act of 2024, H.R. 7521, 118th Cong. (2d Sess. 2024). 

[5] H.R. 7521, 118th Cong. (2d Sess. 2024). 

[6] Ian Millhiser, The Supreme Court’s decision upholding the TikTok ban, explained, Vox (January 17, 2025, 11:50 AM), https://www.vox.com/scotus/395462/supreme-court-tik-tok-garland-first-amendment-china.

[7] Id.

[8] TikTok, slip op. at 3. (In August of 2020, President Trump delivered an executive order expressing the danger that TikTok posed to national security)

[9] Id.

[10] Id.  

[11] David McCabe, TikTok to “Go Dark” on Sunday for its 170 Million American Users, NY Times, https://www.nytimes.com/2025/01/17/technology/17tiktok-goes-dark-sunday-apple-google.html?smid=nytcore-ios-share&referringSource=articleShare (updated Jan 18, 2025 11:49 AM).

[12] Julia Shapero, TikTok restoring services to US users, The Hill (Jan. 19, 2025, 1:14 PM),https://thehill.com/policy/technology/5094247-tiktok-restoring-service-us/

[13] Id.

[14] Id.

[15] Id.

[16] Id.  

[17] Sapna Maheshwari, What would a TikTok ban actually look like?, NY Times (Jan. 17, 2024), https://www.nytimes.com/live/2025/01/17/us/tiktok-ban-supreme-court/what-would-a-tiktok-ban-actually-look-like?smid=url-share.

[19] Christine Mui, Trump reveals his plan to revive TikTok, Politico, https://www.politico.com/news/2025/01/19/trump-plan-save-tiktok-00199177 (updated Jan. 19, 2025, 1:07 PM).

[20] Zev van Zanten & Tina Qian, What if TikTok is banned? Student and alumni creators on the TikTok ban, The Chronicle (Jan. 17, 2025, 12:00 AM), https://www.dukechronicle.com/article/2025/01/what-if-tiktok-is-banned-student-and-alumni-creators-on-the-tiktok-ban#:~:text=As%20TikTok%20is%20the%20main,survive%20if%20TikTok%20is%20banned.

[21] Joe Tobin, Understanding TikTok Influencer Rates: A Comprehensive Guide to Earning and Charging, Billo (Sept. 8, 2024), https://billo.app/blog/tiktok-influencer-rates/#:~:text=Average%20Payment%20Ranges%20Based%20on%20Industry%20Reports%20and%20Surveys&text=Nano%20Influencers%3A%20%24100%20–%20%24500%20per,%3A%20%2420%2C000%20–%20%24200%2C000%2B%20per%20campaign.

[22] TikTok Creator Fund: Your questions answered, TikTok, https://newsroom.tiktok.com/en-gb/tiktok-creator-fund-your-questions-answered (Updated Mar. 25, 2021).

[23] How Much Does TikTok Pay Creators in 2025?, Rally, https://rally.fan/blog/how-much-does-tiktok-pay#:~:text=TikTok%20Creator%20Fund&text=Creators%20are%20paid%20based%20on,from%20the%20Creator%20Fund%20alone (last updated Jan. 15, 2025).

[24] Chyna Blackmon, What will NC content creators do after TikTok ban? Here’s where they would go, Charlotte Observer, https://www.charlotteobserver.com/charlottefive/c5-people/article298595263.html (updated Jan. 17, 2025, 10:36 AM)

[25] Id.

[26] Id.  

[27] Mike Issac et. al., Instagram and YouTube Prepare to benefit From a TikTok Ban, NY Times, https://www.nytimes.com/2025/01/17/technology/instagram-youtube-tiktok-ban.html#:~:text=Instagram%20and%20YouTube%20will%20both,Cowen%2C%20said%20in%20an%20interview (updated Jan. 17, 2025, 2:01 PM).

Chris Whipple

Background

Earlier this month, a local school board in North Carolina failed to pass a policy requiring public school classrooms to display posters of the Ten Commandments.[1] The Iredell-Statesville School Board of Education (“I-SS Board”) voted against the proposal by one of its board members for a “Founding Documents” poster, featuring the Ten Commandments alongside the United States Constitution and Bill of Rights.[2] The I-SS Board noted concerns that the Supreme Court of the United States (the “Supreme Court”) has already held such a policy unconstitutional and did not have the budget to defend a policy they considered destined to be struck down.[3]

While calls for fiscal restraint to defend a controversial policy are commendable, it is less clear whether the precedent the I-SS Board points to would be upheld by today’s Supreme Court. It would certainly be easier to answer that question if a government entity—with a sizeable budget—was willing to test the theory. Thankfully, that question is unlikely to remain hypothetical, as the I-SS Board was not alone in considering such a policy. Several local and state governments have attempted to require such displays of the Ten Commandments in their classrooms, most of which have been unsuccessful.[4]

One notable exception would be Louisiana, which passed legislation earlier this year that requires public schools—from the elementary to postsecondary levels—to display posters of the Ten Commandments in every classroom.[5] Each poster must include a contextual statement indicating the historical role of the Ten Commandments in public education in the United States.[6] The law also authorizes schools to display other foundational documents such as the Mayflower Compact, the Declaration of Independence, and the United States Constitution.[7] Louisiana intends for the law to “ensure that students in our public schools may understand and appreciate the foundational documents of our state and national government.”[8] Unsurprisingly, the law was immediately challenged by the American Civil Liberties Union (“ACLU”), on behalf of several multi-faith families in Louisiana, who allege that the law violates the Establishment Clause of the Constitution.[9]

Current Precedent

In its Complaint in the United States District Court for the Middle District of Louisiana,[10] the ACLU cites to Stone v. Graham,[11] where the Supreme Court struck down a nearly identical law in Kentucky over forty years ago.[12] In Stone, displaying the Ten Commandments in classrooms was seen as “plainly religious in nature” and “serves no such educational function.”[13] The Supreme Court ultimately ruled that Kentucky’s law “had no secular legislative purpose, and is therefore unconstitutional.”[14] A seemingly open-and-shut case. However, cases since Stone call into question the soundness of its analysis, and changes in the Supreme Court’s composition raise the possibility of its willingness to relook its conclusion.

Developments Since Stone

The constitutionality of the displays in Stone was determined under the establishment test articulated in the now-abrogated case Lemon v. Kurtzman.[15] This alone means the Supreme Court would need to apply a different rationale to uphold Stone’s conclusion. The Supreme Court altered the analysis for Ten Commandment displays in a pair of conflicting cases published on the same day in 2005.[16] Justice Breyer, who often took a neutral approach to Establishment Clause analysis,[17] served as the critical swing vote in both cases.[18]

One case was McCreary County v. ACLU,[19] which found that posters of the Ten Commandments in Kentucky courtrooms were unconstitutional.[20] Like Stone, the Supreme Court in McCreary County reached its decision by applying the now-abrogated Lemon test.[21] The displays in McCreary County were also noteworthy as they did not have any indication they were erected for a secular purpose; only after the displays were challenged in court did the county legislatures add language to the displays indicating their historical significance.[22]

The other case was Van Orden v. Perry,[23] which found that a monument of the Ten Commandments on the grounds of the Texas State Capitol was constitutional.[24] While not overruling the Lemon test, the Supreme Court’s plurality noted that many “recent cases have simply not applied” it and did not find it “useful in dealing with” the monument in this case.[25] Instead, they would analyze the constitutionality of the Ten Commandments displayed “both by the nature of the monument and by our Nation’s history.”[26] The Supreme Court held that such a display can have a secular purpose of recognizing the role of religion “in our Nation’s heritage” and that “promoting a message consistent with a religious doctrine does not run afoul of the Establishment Clause.”[27] However, they did distinguish the monument from the displays in Stone, noting that this monument was “a far more passive use” of the Ten Commandments and that there are “particular concerns that arise in the context of public . . . schools” that are not present on the grounds of the State Capitol.[28]

The distinguishment in Van Orden remains a sizeable hurdle to overcome for Louisiana’s legal defense. However, the state may benefit from the changes in the Supreme Court’s composition since Van Orden, which has resulted in an increasingly accommodationist approach to Establishment Clause cases.[29] Under an accommodationist approach, the Supreme Court would “interpret the Establishment Clause to recognize the importance of religion in society” and find that the government violates it only when it “establishes a church, coerces religious participation, or favors one religion over others in its award of benefits.”[30] This approach has been seen in recent Establishment Clauses cases where the Supreme Court has reaffirmed that displays of the Ten Commandments on government property can “convey other meanings” such as its “historical significance as one of the foundations of our legal system.”[31]

Future Implications

Applying an accommodationist approach to the Louisiana case, it would not be difficult to see the Supreme Court reasoning that the law has a secular purpose of promoting “state and national history, culture, and tradition.”[32] Unlike the displays in McCreary County, the Louisiana law recognized this secular purpose when it was originally enacted.[33] The outcome of the case would thus turn on whether the display of the Ten Commandments in the context of a classroom is sufficiently coercive to violate the Establishment Clause. If the Supreme Court were to deem the displays as passive and something that students could ignore like the monument in Van Orden, Louisiana’s law would be ruled constitutional. Conversely, if it were to deem the displays as more akin to compulsory school prayer or Bible readings, the law would be ruled unconstitutional.[34] Given the Supreme Court’s current embrace of accommodationist analysis, and especially after its recent willingness to overturn decades-old precedent,[35] supporters and cynics alike could see a scenario where Stone is overturned.

For any legislative bodies seeking to implement similar policies that display the Ten Commandments in public schools, or legal practitioners advising such groups, this may not be such a clearcut case of “thou shall not.” Instead, given the changes of Establishment Clause analysis and the prevailing judicial philosophy of the Supreme Court, this may be a case of “wait and see.”


[1] Karissa Miller, I-SS Board Derails Effort to Display the Ten Commandments in All District Schools, Iredell Free News (Oct. 15, 2024), https://www.iredellfreenews.com/news-features/2024/i-ss-board-derails-effort-to-display-ten-commandments-in-all-district-schools/.

[2] Id.

[3] Id.

[4] Associated Press, Louisiana Will Require the 10 Commandments Displayed in Every Public School Classroom, NPR (June 19, 2024), https://www.npr.org/2024/06/19/nx-s1-5012597/louisiana-10-commandments-law-public-school-classrooms.

[5] Id.

[6] H.B. 71, 2024 H.R., Reg. Sess. (La. 2024).

[7] Id.

[8] Id.

[9] Civil Liberties Groups Will File Lawsuit Against Louisiana Law Requiring Public Schools to Display the Ten Commandments, ACLU Louisiana (June 19, 2024), https://www.laaclu.org/en/press-releases/civil-liberties-groups-will-file-lawsuit-against-louisiana-law-requiring-public

[10] Complaint for Declaratory Judgment and Injunctive Relief at 2, 39, Roake v. Brumley, No. 3:24-CV-00517, 2024 WL 3162067 (M.D. La. filed June 24, 2024).

[11] 449 U.S. 39 (1980).

[12] Id. at 39.

[13] Id. at 41–42.

[14] Id. at 41. In his dissent, Justice Rehnquist excoriated the majority for its unprecedented “summary rejection of the secular purpose articulated by the legislature and confirmed by the state court.” Id. at 43.

[15] Id. at 40. See Lemon v. Kurtzman, 403 U.S. 602 (1971), abrogated by Groff v. DeJoy, 600 U.S. 447 (2023).

[16] See Van Orden v. Perry, 545 U.S. 677 (2005); McCreary County v. ACLU, 545 U.S. 844 (2005).

[17] Howard Gillman & Erwin Chemerinsky, The Religion Clauses 59 (2020).

[18] See Van Orden, 545 U.S. at 698; McCreary County, 545 U.S. at 848.

[19] 545 U.S. 844 (2005).

[20] Id. at 881.

[21] Id. at 859.

[22] Id. at 853.

[23] 545 U.S. 677 (2005).

[24] Id. at 681.

[25] Id. at 686.

[26] Id.

[27] Id. at 687, 690.

[28] Id. at 691.

[29] Gillman & Chemerinsky, supra note 17, at 58.

[30] Id. at 51–52.

[31] Am. Legion v. Am. Humanist Ass’n, 588 U.S. 19, 31–32 (2019).

[32] La. H.B. 71, supra note 6.

[33] Id.

[34] See, e.g., Lee v. Weisman, 505 U.S. 577 (1992) (school prayer); Sch. Dist. of Abington Twp. v. Schempp, 374 U.S. 203 (1963) (bible reading).

[35] See, e.g., Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Org., 597 U.S. 215 (2022).

Benjamin Riley

Social Media’s Rise to the Forefront

Over the last few decades, social media platforms have gained immense popularity with Americans,[1] and statistics point to the average American having accounts on multiple platforms.[2] Yet, as is the case with many trends, this growth has not come without its fair share of controversy. These platforms have taken center stage in many recent legal battles, perhaps most notably a high-profile case decided by the Supreme Court this summer that explored First Amendment issues and the dissemination of information through social media platforms.[3] Moreover, there has also been a wide array of legislative proposals relating to social media in 2024.[4] Apart from constitutional disputes and state legislation, questions have also been raised about worrisome political ramifications[5] and potential health effects.[6] Needless to say, social media’s rise to the forefront of the American consciousness has not been unanimously applauded.

Government Officials Take Action

Recently, concerns over social media’s health effects on children and teenagers have become a frequently discussed topic.[7] This concern was addressed by the Surgeon General of the United States, Vivek H. Murthy, in an advisory released in mid-2023, warning that social media can affect the well-being of the country’s young people.[8] This advisory was escalated in June of 2024 to a powerfully worded, public message to Congress and the country explaining that a Surgeon General’s warning on social media platforms is needed.[9] The message, which appeared as an opinion piece in The New York Times, draws attention to the effect social media has on children’s anxiety, depression, and self-image.[10] Moreover, the message also points to how surgeon general’s warning labels were able to combat tobacco use, in an attempt to establish the efficacy of these warnings.[11] Along with calling for warnings on the platform, the Surgeon General also challenged parents, medical professionals, schools, and companies to all play a role in limiting the adverse effects of social media.[12]

This opinion received a powerful show of support when a coalition of forty-two attorneys general, including North Carolina’s Attorney General Josh Stein, wrote a letter in support of the Surgeon General’s call for a warning on social media platforms.[13] The letter, which was addressed to Speaker of the House Mike Johnson, Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, and Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, argues that Congress can take action against the threats of social media and “protect future generations of Americans.”[14]

The letter explains that social media is contributing to a “mental health crisis” in children and teenagers.[15] This language makes clear the urgency with which the writers believe the issue needs to be addressed. More specifically, the letter takes issue with “algorithm-driven social media platforms,” and reinforces many of the concerns presented in the Surgeon General’s New York Times opinion.[16] Previous legislation and legal action taken by both state legislatures and State Attorneys General are highlighted, as well as ongoing state investigations and litigation against the social media powerhouse TikTok.[17]  However, it is contended that “this ubiquitous problem requires federal action.”[18] According to the group, a surgeon general’s warning on social media platforms “would be a consequential step” in addressing this problem.[19] This letter follows legal action taken by a similar coalition of State Attorneys General last fall, where lawsuits were filed against social media giant Meta, alleging that features on Meta’s social media platforms adversely affect children. [20]

One of the more interesting aspects of this letter is the impressively bipartisan nature of the coalition. The alliance of forty-two attorneys general is comprised of differing political ideologies and is spread across the country. The uniqueness of this cooperation is not lost in the letter, which explains that “[a]s State Attorneys General we sometimes disagree about important issues, but all of us share an abiding concern for the safety of the kids in our jurisdiction.”[21] The willingness of officials to work together on combating the adverse effects of social media can also be seen in recent legislation at the federal level. The Kids Online Safety Act, which was proposed by Senator Richard Blumenthal, a Democrat, has been cosponsored by many lawmakers on both sides of the aisle.[22]

It is also worth noting what this letter signals to social media companies. The letter accuses social media companies of being complacent in the crisis by saying the “problem will not solve itself and the social media platforms have demonstrated an unwillingness to fix the problem on their own.”[23] Moreover, with attorneys general making children’s online safety a priority,[24] this letter should serve as a reminder to social media companies that policymakers are unlikely to relent in their pursuit of greater safety measures on social media. 

Future Implications

At this time, it is unclear if Congress will follow the advice given by the Surgeon General and subsequently endorsed by many attorneys general. Similarly, it is also unclear whether these warnings would have any effect on children’s social media usage and the associated health effects.

However, while the viability of a surgeon general’s warning and its actual efficacy cannot yet be known, developments like this show that officials are unlikely to alleviate any of the pressure they have placed on social media companies. Officials calling for these warnings should be interpreted as an escalation against the youth mental health crisis, and consequently social media companies. In short, social media companies should expect further bipartisan action to counteract the negative side effects of social media, and citizens should be prepared that some of their favorite platforms may soon carry a warning about the potential health effects of scrolling.


[1]See Belle Wong, Top Social Media Statistics and Trends of 2024, Forbes Advisor,  https://www.forbes.com/advisor/business/social-media-statistics/ (May 18, 2023, 2:09 PM).

[2] Id.

[3] See Murthy v. Missouri, 144 S. Ct. 1972 (2024).

[4] See Social Media and Children 2024 Legislation, National Conference of State Legislatures, https://www.ncsl.org/technology-and-communication/social-media-and-children-2024-legislation (June 14, 2024).

[5] See Stephanie Burnett & Helen Coster, Fake U.S. Election-Related Accounts Proliferating on X, Study Says, Reuters (May 24, 2024, 8:31 AM) https://www.reuters.com/world/us/fake-us-election-related-accounts-proliferating-x-study-says-2024-05-24/; U.S. Groups Urge Social Media Companies to Fight ‘Big Lie,’ Election Misinformation, Reuters (May 12, 2022, 10:07 AM), https://www.reuters.com/world/us/us-groups-urge-social-media-companies-fight-big-lie-election-disinformation-2022-05-12/; Tiffany Hsu & Steven Lee Myers & Stuart A. Thompson, Elections and Disinformation Are Colliding Like Never Before in 2024, N.Y. Times, https://www.nytimes.com/2024/01/09/business/media/election-disinformation-2024.html (Jan. 11, 2024).

[6] See Teens and Social Media Use: What’s the Impact?, Mayo Clinic (Jan. 18, 2024), https://www.mayoclinic.org/healthy-lifestyle/tween-and-teen-health/in-depth/teens-and-social-media-use/art-20474437.

[7] See Claire Cain Miller, Everyone Says Social Media is Bad for Teens. Proving it is Another Thing, N.Y. Times: The Upshot (June 17, 2023), https://www.nytimes.com/2023/06/17/upshot/social-media-teen-mental-health.html; Natalie Proulx, Does Social Media Harm Young People’s Mental Health?, N.Y. Times (May 25, 2023) https://www.nytimes.com/2023/05/25/learning/does-social-media-harm-young-peoples-mental-health.html.

[8] Surgeon General Issues New Advisory About Effects Social Media Use Has on Youth Mental Health, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (May 23, 2023), https://www.hhs.gov/about/news/2023/05/23/surgeon-general-issues-new-advisory-about-effects-social-media-use-has-youth-mental-health.html.

[9] See Vivek H. Murthy, Surgeon General: Why I’m Calling for a Warning Label on Social Media Platforms, N.Y. Times (June 17, 2024), https://www.nytimes.com/2024/06/17/opinion/social-media-health-warning.html.

[10] Id.

[11] Id.

[12] Id.

[13] Letter from Rob Bonta, Cal. Att’y Gen., Phil Weiser, Colo. Att’y Gen., Russel Coleman, Ky. Att’y Gen., Lynn Fitch, Miss. Att’y Gen., Matthew J. Platkin, N.J. Att’y Gen., Letitia James, N.Y. Att’y Gen., Jonathan Skrmetti, Tenn. Att’y Gen., Steve Marshall, Ala. Att’y Gen., Fainu’ulelei Falefatu Ala’ilima-Uta, Am. Sam. Att’y Gen., Tim Griffin, Ark. Att’y Gen., William Tong, Conn. Att’y Gen., Kathleen Jennings, Del. Att’y Gen., Brian Schwalb, D.C. Att’y Gen., Ashley Moody, Fla. Att’y Gen., Christopher M. Carr, Ga. Att’y Gen., Anne E. Lopez, Haw. Att’y Gen., Raúl Labrador, Idaho Att’y Gen., Kwame Raoul, Ill. Att’y Gen., Todd Rokita, Ind. Att’y Gen., Aaron M. Frey, Me. Att’y Gen., Anthony G. Brown, Md. Att’y Gen., Andrea Joy Campbell, Mass. Att’y Gen., Dana Nessel, Mich. Att’y Gen., Keith Ellison, Minn. Att’y Gen., Aaron D. Ford, Nev. Att’y Gen., John M. Formella, N.H. Att’y Gen., Raúl Torrez, N.M. Att’y Gen., Josh Stein, N.C. Att’y Gen., Drew H. Wrigley, N.D. Att’y Gen., Gentner Drummond, Okla. Att’y Gen., Ellen F. Rosenblum, Or. Att’y Gen., Michelle Henry, Pa. Att’y Gen., Peter F. Neronha, R.I. Att’y Gen., Alan Wilson, S.C. Att’y Gen., Marty Jackley, S.D. Att’y Gen., Gordon C. Rhea, V.I. Att’y Gen. (Nominee), Sean D. Reyes, Utah Att’y Gen., Charity Clark, Vt. Att’y Gen., Jason S. Miyares, Va. Att’y Gen., Robert W. Ferguson, Wash. Att’y Gen., Joshua L. Kaul, Wis. Att’y Gen., Bridget Hill, Wyo. Att’y Gen., to Mike Johnson, Speaker of the House, Chuck Schumer, Senate Majority Leader, Mitch McConnel, Senate Minority Leader (Sept. 9, 2024) (on file with the National Association of Attorneys General).

[14] Id.

[15] Id.

[16] Id.

[17] Id.

[18] Id.

[19] Id.

[20] See Barbara Ortutay, States Sue Meta Claiming its Social Platforms are Addictive and Harm Children’s Mental Health, Associated Press https://apnews.com/article/instagram-facebook-children-teens-harms-lawsuit-attorney-general-1805492a38f7cee111cbb865cc786c28 (Oct. 24, 2023); Cristiano Lima-Strong & Naomi Nix, 41 States Sue Meta, Claiming Instagram, Facebook are Addictive, Harm Kids, Washington Post, https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2023/10/24/meta-lawsuit-facebook-instagram-children-mental-health/ (Oct. 24, 2024, 3:25 PM).

[21] Letter from Rob Bonta et. al. to Mike Johnson et. al., supra note 13.

[22] The Kids Online Safety Act, S. 1409, 118th Cong. (2023).

[23] Letter from Rob Bonta et. al. to Mike Johnson et. al., supra note 13.

[24] Attorney General Josh Stein Urges Congress to Require Warning on Social Media Platforms, N.C. Department of Justice (Sept. 11, 2024), https://ncdoj.gov/attorney-general-josh-stein-urges-congress-to-require-warning-on-social-media-platforms/; see Ortutay, supra note 20.

 

Anna Duong-Harrison

History

            In 1873, Congress passed the Act for the Suppression of Trade in, and Circulation of, Obscene Articles of Immoral Use––the colloquial Comstock Act.[1] This Act criminalized the circulation of contraceptives and birth control-related information through the mail, including medical textbooks and magazines.[2] Even instruments that could be used to perform abortions were considered obscene.[3] The Act also forbade the sale of contraceptives across state lines.[4] The guilty recipients of these so-called “obscene” materials faced up to ten years in prison.[5] Twenty-four states quickly followed the federal government’s lead with their own Comstock laws.[6]

Anthony Comstock, a Christian zealot, inspired this wave of broad, unforgiving legislation.[7] After successfully lobbying Congress to pass the Act, Comstock regularly scoured New York City for people to arrest.[8] Equipped with funds from the New York Society for the Suppression of Vice, Comstock contributed to the arrest of hundreds of people, including prominent women’s rights advocates.[9] Comstock and others’ “campaign against obscenity” reflected fears that contraception and related materials may scandalize their children, promote immorality, and disincentivize marriage.[10]

Even though critics challenged the constitutionality of Comstock laws, the Supreme Court staunchly held that the First Amendment did not protect obscenity.[11] However, by the early 1900s, judicial enforcement of Comstock laws tapered off as courts recognized the challenges of applying such a broad statute.[12] For example, in U.S. v. One Package, the Second Circuit held the Act inapplicable to mailed contraceptive materials if the intended purpose was not “unlawful.”[13] The court reasoned that even though the legislators intended “unlawful” to be synonymous with “abortion” in the Act, modern changes in medicine required a new interpretation of the term to mean unlawful abortions.[14] Then, in 1972, the Supreme Court finally answered the hotly debated question of how to define obscenity, which further narrowed qualifying materials under the Act.[15] Finally, two hallmark Supreme Court cases, Griswold v. Connecticut and Roe v. Wade essentially rendered the Act null, since both contraception and abortion became legal.[16]

Can a Literal Interpretation of The Comstock Act Impact Abortion Care in North Carolina?

The strict nature of the original 1873 Comstock Act eventually morphed into today’s 18 U.S.C. §§ 1461 and 1462.[17] These statutes prohibit the mailing and importation of “any drug, medicine, article, or thing designed, adapted, or intended for producing abortion.”[18] As legal scholars have noted, the Supreme Court’s decision to remove the constitutional right to abortion in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization has potentially harkened a return of the Comstock Act.[19]

A literal interpretation of the Comstock Act could restrict FDA approval of mifepristone and misoprostol and arm the Department of Justice (DOJ) with more discretion under a conservative administration.[20] A literal interpretation of the Comstock Act would prohibit the mailing of any items related to abortion, regardless of sender intent.[21] This means FDA approved mifepristone and misoprostol would be inaccessible to doctors, even in states where abortion is legal.[22] The breadth of the Act could even limit the mailing of medical instruments like dilators, gloves, and speculums, which are used in a variety of obstetric procedures, including abortions.[23]

While some may view this application of the Comstock Act as reactive political rhetoric, five cities have already passed local ordinances that criminalize the shipping and receiving of abortion medications under §§ 1461 and 1462.[24] In recent oral arguments, Supreme Court Justices Clarence Thomas and Samuel Alito asked attorneys if the FDA violated the Comstock Act by approving mifepristone and misoprostol.[25] By raising this issue, the Justices signaled an openness to revive a legal relic. Republican Vice-presidential candidate J.D. Vance has also voiced his direct support for enforcing the Comstock Act.[26] In January 2023, Vance joined a group of legislators in a letter to the DOJ urging it to apply the Comstock Act to mailed abortion pills, which are also used for miscarriage healthcare.[27] The letter echoed Vance’s shared position that the Act had been misinterpreted and misapplied by the federal government.[28] Thus, it is not far-reaching to wonder if the Act will make a reappearance under a Trump/Vance administration.

Conclusion

Ultimately, it would take a literal interpretation of the Comstock Act by both the DOJ and the Supreme Court to reach North Carolina. To do so, the Act would have to restrict FDA approval of mifepristone and misoprostol, receive DOJ support, and find Supreme Court backing. It is more likely that a reemergence of the Act would impact access to mailed abortion medication in states where abortion is illegal. Yet, the possibility of the Act reaching North Carolina is not implausible, and the possibility of the Comstock Act’s revival from relic to reality may be looming in the near future.


[1] David Schultz & John R. Vile, The Encyclopedia of Civil Liberties in America, 87–88 (Taylor & Francis Group, 2005).

[2] Id. at 88; Mabel Felix, et al., The Comstock Act: Implications for Abortion Care Nationwide, Kaiser Family Found. (Apr. 15, 2024), https://www.kff.org/womens-health-policy/issue-brief/the-comstock-act-implications-for-abortion-care-nationwide/.

[3] Id.

[4] Id.

[5] See id.

[6] Anthony Comstock’s “Chastity” Laws, The Pill, https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/pill-anthony-comstocks-chastity-laws/#:~:text=Anthony%20Comstock%20was%20jubilant%20over,trade%20on%20a%20state%20level.&text=New%20England%20residents%20lived%20under%20the%20most%20restrictive%20laws%20in%20the%20country.

[7] See id.

[8] See Schultz, supra note 1, at 207.

[9] Id.

[10] Schultz, supra note 1, at 208.

[11] See id.

[12] See id. at 14–40.

[13] See United States v. One Package, 86 F.2d 737, 739 (2d Cir. 1936).

[14] See id. at 739–40.

[15] See Miller v. California, 413 U.S. 15, 24 (1973) (limiting obscene material to the confines of a strict three-part test).

[16] Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S. 479, 485 (1965); Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113, 165 (1973).

[17] See Ebba Brunnstrom, Abortion and the Mails: Challenging the Applicability of the Comstock Act Laws Post-Dobbs, 55 Colum. Human Rights L. Rev. 1, 3 (2024).

[18] 18 U.S.C. §§1461–62.

[19] See supra, note 17.

[20] E.g.,Felix, supra note 2.

[21] See id.

[22] Annalies Winny, The Threat to Abortion Rights You Haven’t Heard Of, Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health (May 31, 2024), https://publichealth.jhu.edu/2024/how-the-comstock-act-threatens-abortion-rights.

[23] See supra, note 2.

[24] Id.

[25] See transcript of Oral Argument at 26–91, FDA v. All. for Hippocratic Med., 144 S. Ct. 1540 (2024).

[26] Alison Durkee, JD Vance and Project 2025 Want to Use This 19th Century Law to Ban Abortion Without Congress, Forbes (Jul. 18, 2024), https://www.forbes.com/sites/alisondurkee/2024/07/18/jd-vance-and-project-2025-want-to-use-this-19th-century-law-to-ban-abortion-without-congress/.

[27] Letter from J.D. Vance, et al., U.S. S. to Hon. Merrick B. Garland, Att’y Gen. (Jan. 25, 2023), https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/24834197-20230123-letter-on-comstock-to-doj.

[28] See id.

By Clay Shupak

State constitutions are not replicas of the United States Constitution: they are independent guarantors of liberty.  The North Carolina Supreme Court will soon decide two cases that could increase protections for economic liberty across the state, Singleton v. North Carolina Department of Health and Human Services[1] and Kinsley v. Ace Speedway Racing Ltd.[2]  Litigants in both cases have asserted rights under the Fruits of Their Labor Clause[3]—a unique provision of the North Carolina Constitution with no direct counterpart in the United States Constitution.[4]  The Court now faces a choice between lockstepping[5] with federal jurisprudence or returning to an interpretation of the clause that offers more robust protections for economic liberty.  The justices seem inclined not to give the Fruits of Their Labor Clause short shrift.[6]

The Fruits of Their Labor Clause

The Fruits of Their Labor Clause was added to the North Carolina Constitution during Reconstruction.[7]  The clause resides in the constitution’s Declaration of Rights between words lifted directly from the Declaration of Independence.[8]  The full provision states the “self-evident” truth that “all persons are created equal” and possess “inalienable rights” to “life, liberty, the enjoyment of the fruits of their own labor, and the pursuit of happiness.”[9]  Americans at the time would have viewed the clause as the recognition of an already existing right rather than the creation of a new right from whole cloth. [10]      

The drafters of the 1868 Constitution added the Fruits of Their Labor Clause as an anti-slavery provision.[11]  Steeped in Lockean natural rights theory,[12] the drafters believed that a special evil of slavery was that “another man” got “to hold and enjoy the fruits of [the slave’s] labor.”[13]  They feared that simply applying the Bill of Rights to the states would not be enough to secure the “civil and political rights” of freed Blacks.[14]  Thus, the drafters decided that safeguarding the right of all people to earn an honest living would require constitutional protection.[15]  By adding the Fruits of Their Labor Clause, the drafters sought to bring North Carolina’s Constitution into closer alignment with the natural law by securing rights omitted from the federal constitution.[16]

In its early years, the Fruits of Their Labor Clause was invoked to limited effect.[17]  Starting in 1940, however, plaintiffs wielded the clause to void laws that arbitrarily excluded citizens from working in their occupation of choice.[18]  During this time, courts took a “more aggressive” approach towards the clause, applying a higher level of scrutiny than rational basis review.[19]  But, by the second half of the twentieth century, affinity for the clause waned.[20]  In Treants Enterprises, Inc. v. Onslow County,[21] the North Carolina Supreme Court applied vanilla rational basis review to a challenge brought under the clause.[22]  Ever since, courts in North Carolina have followed Treants Enterprises’s approach.[23]

The Cases Pending Review at the North Carolina Supreme Court

The Court’s current approach to the Fruits of Their Labor Clause may soon change.  In Singleton and Ace Speedway, litigants and their amici have asked the Court to consider whether rational basis review is the appropriate test for the Fruits of Their Labor Clause.[24]  The cases arrive to the Court on a motion to dismiss for failure to state a claim.  Both involve a challenge to public health laws.[25]  The challengers argue that rational basis review flies in the face of history and common sense.[26]  They contend that the Court’s current approach to the clause simply “mirrors the most deferential form of federal review,” allowing the government to prevail on flimsy rational justifications where factual inquiry is wholly optional.[27]  The government, on the other hand, argues that the Fruits of Their Labor Clause was “never understood to prevent the government from regulating businesses to promote public welfare.”[28]  Instead, according to the state, the clause was originally understood solely “as a condemnation of slavery.”[29]  The state contends that a highly deferential approach is necessary to avoid harm to public health and safety.[30]

The facts of Singleton and Ace Speedway illustrate the stakes of the debate.  In Singleton, the plaintiff is an ophthalmologist who runs a medical practice in the rural community of New Bern.[31]  Under North Carolina’s certificate of need laws, a physician must obtain an operating room permit from the North Carolina Department of Health and Human Services before they can perform certain medical procedures.[32]  The plaintiff is bringing an as-applied challenge to North Carolina’s certificate of needs laws on grounds that they limit competition rather than promoting public health.[33]  Currently, he must drive to the only certified hospital in a three-county radius to perform routine eye surgeries that could be safely performed at his office.[34]  The hospital charges fees that increase the cost of surgery by thousands of dollars.[35]

By contrast, in Ace Speedway, the defendant is a NASCAR racetrack that is challenging a shut-down order issued by state health officials during height of the COVID-19 pandemic. [36]  The defendant contends that the shut-down order was issued in retaliation for the speedway owner’s public criticism of Governor Roy Cooper’s response to the pandemic.[37]  It points to nearby racetracks that were not ordered to shut down.[38]  And it contends that the government-mandated shut down infringed upon the right to earn a living.[39]  Interestingly, the ACLU and the Institute for Justice, advocates on opposite ends of the political spectrum, have filed briefs in support of the plaintiff.[40]

Implications: A Right with New Bite

A victory for the government challengers in either case could have significant ramifications for peoples’ economic liberties in North Carolina.  If the Court rejects the government’s argument for rational basis review, the Fruits of Their Labor Clause would gain new teeth.  Government regulations that burden a citizen’s right to earn a living would be subject to increased scrutiny.  The first domino to fall may be occupational licensing regulations that can show no benefit to public health, safety, or welfare.[41]  In the long run, a more muscular approach to the Fruits of Their Labor Clause may remove unnecessary hurdles to entering the work force,[42] promote the formation of small businesses,[43] and make goods and services cheaper for North Carolinians.[44]  What is more, the move would affirm a core tenant of American federalism.  As Justice Brennan observed, “the full realization of our liberties cannot be guaranteed”[45] if state constitutions do not function as independent bulwarks of liberty, distinct from the federal constitution.


[1] 876 S.E.2d 563 (N.C. 2022) (No. 260P22-1) (order granting review).

[2] 883 S.E.2d 455 (N.C. 2022) (No. 280PA22) (order granting review).

[3] N.C. Const., art. I, § 1.

[4] The plaintiff in Singleton is not asserting a claim directly under The Fruits of Their Labor Clause.  Instead, there, the plaintiff states a claim directly under North Carolina’s due process provision, the Law of the Land Clause.  See N.C. Const., art. I, § 19.  Nevertheless, as the plaintiff in Singleton states in an amicus brief filed in Ace Speedway, the Fruits of Their Labor Clause and the Law of the Land Clause protect one and the same right—the right to earn an honest living.  Brief of Dr. Jay Singleton as Amici Curiae Supporting Plaintiff-Appellee at 2, Kinsley v. Ace Speedway Racing, Ltd., No. 260P22-1 (N.C. June 2, 2023), 2023 WL 4028053 [hereinafter I.J.’s Amicus Brief Supporting Ace Speedway].  Indeed, as North Carolina Supreme Court Justice Richard Dietz observed in a recent law review article, courts “often lump” the clauses together and “resolve them in the same analysis.”  Richard Dietz, Factories of Generic Constitutionalism, 14 Elon L. Rev. 1, 21, 29 (2022).

[5] For a discussion of why state constitutional law often moves in lockstep with federal jurisprudence and why it sometimes departs, see Jeffery S. Sutton, 51 Imperfect Solutions: States and the Making of American Constitutional Law 7–27 (2008).  

[6] At oral argument, concerns about restricting economic activity took center stage, with several justices questioning whether the government’s preferred reading of the North Carolina Constitution was protective enough.  See, e.g., Oral Argument at 8:28, Kinsley v. Ace Speedway Racing, Ltd., No. 260P22-1 (Nov. 7, 2023), https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iEOWwyUnPZU.

[7] John V. Orth & Paul Martin Newby, The North Carolina State Constitution 47 (2d ed., 2013).

[8] Id.; The Declaration of Independence para. 2 (U.S. 1776) (“We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.”).

[9] N.C. Const., art. 1, § 1 (emphasis added).

[10]Jud Campbell, Constitutional Rights Before Realism, 2020 U. Ill. L. Rev. 1433,1434–35, 1443 (2020). This understanding of rights carried forward into the twentieth century. See State v. Hay, 126 N.C. 999, 999 (N.C. 1900) (Douglas, J., Concurring) (explaining that Article I, Section 1 of the North Carolina Constitution “does not profess to confer these rights, but recognizes them as pre–existing and inherent in the individual by ‘right divine.’”).

[11] Richard Dietz, supra note 4, at 19–20; see also Joseph Ranney, A Fool’s Errand? Legal Legacies of Reconstruction in Two Southern States, 9 Tex. Wesleyan L. Rev. 1, 17 (2002). (discussing how “North Carolina . . . regulated black labor” during Reconstruction by “focus[ing] on apprenticeship laws.”).

[12] Locke’s famous labor theory of property is laid out in his Second Treatise on Government. See John Locke, Two Treatises on Government 305–06 (Peter Laslett ed., Cambridge Univ. Press 1988) (1690).

[13] Dietz, supra note 4, at 20 (quoting Albion W. Tourgée, An Appeal To Caesar 244 (1884)).

[14] Id.

[15] Id.

[16] Id. at 20–21.

[17] Id. at 21.

[18] State v. Harris, 6 S.E.2d 854, 858 (N.C. 1940).

[19] Dietz, supra note 4, at 21.

[20] See e.g., State v. Warren, 114 S.E.2d 660, 663–64 (N.C. 1960) (upholding an occupational licensing regulation for real estate agents).

[21] 360 S.E.2d 783 (N.C. 1987).

[22] Id. at 785.

[23] See, e.g., Tully v. City of Wilmington, 810 S.E.2d 208, 215 (N.C. 2018) (applying the rational basis test).

[24] I.J.’s Amicus Brief Supporting Ace Speedway, supra note 4, at 2 (noting that Kinsley and Singleton both “ask[] the Court to clarify the test that applies under Art. I, §19 when the government restricts the right to earn a living”); Reply Brief for Plaintiffs-Appellants at 2–3, Singleton v. N.C. Dep’t of Health and Human Servs., No. 260PA22 (N.C. Feb. 5, 2024), 2024 WL 635933.

[25] I.J.’s Amicus Brief Supporting Ace Speedway, supra note 4, at 2.

[26] Id. at 11.

[27] Id. at 10.

[28] Brief for Plaintiff-Appellant at 40, Kinsley v. Ace Speedway Racing, Ltd. at 40, No. 260P22-1 (May 3, 2023), 2023 WL 3467853.

[29] Id. at 37.

[30] Id.

[31] Complaint at 1, Singleton v. N.C. Dep’t Health & Human Servs., No. 20 CVS 05150 (N.C. Super. Ct. April 23, 2020), 2020 WL 13064502 [hereinafter Singleton Complaint].

[32] Id. at 26.

[33] Id. at 10.

[34] Id. at 10, 19.

[35] Id. at 1, 14.

[36] Response to Petition for Discretionary Review, Kinsley v. Ace Speedway, Ltd. at 2, No. 260P22-1 (Sept. 6, 2022), 2022 WL 4486857.

[37] Brief for Defendants-Appellees at 38, Kinsley v. Ace Speedway, Ltd. at 38, No. 260P22-1 (June 2, 2023), 2023 WL 4028000.

[38] Id. at 35.

[39] Id. at 22.

[40] I.J.’s Amicus Brief Supporting Ace Speedway, supra note 4, at 2 (emphasizing the violation of Ace Speedway’s right to earn a living); Brief of ACLU of North Carolina Legal Foundation as Amici Curiae Supporting Plaintiff-Appellee at 2, Kinsley v. Ace Speedway Racing, Ltd. No. 280PA22 (June 2, 2023), 2023 WL 4028007 (emphasizing the harm done to Ace Speedway’s free speech rights and the need for government accountability).

[41] Occupational licensing regulations were frequently struck down for violating the Fruits of Their Labor Clause in the recent past. See Dietz, supra note 4, at 21.

[42] Morris M. Kleiner & Evan J. Soltas, A Welfare Analysis of Occupational Licensing in the U.S. States, 90 Rev. Econ. Studs. 2481, 2483–84 (2023) (estimating that licensing an occupation for the first time would eliminate twenty-nine percent of jobs).

[43] Stephen Slivinski, Bootstraps Tangled in Red Tape, Goldwater Inst. (Feb. 10, 2015), https://www.goldwaterinstitute.org/bootstraps-tangled-in-red-tape (last visited Apr. 22, 2024) (discussing the negative impacts of occupational licensing on low-income entrepreneurs).

[44] See, e.g., Singleton Complaint, supra note 31, at 2 (stating that performing cataract surgery in Dr. Singleton’s office instead of the hospital required by certificate of need laws would cut costs from $6,000 to $1,800).

[45]  William J. Brennan Jr., State Constitutions and the Protection of Individual Rights, 90 Harv. L. Rev. 489, 489 (1977).

By Madison Cone

After six years of wild popularity and influence, TikTok’s time in the limelight may be coming to an end as the prominent app faces a potential ban in the United States.[1]  In 2018, the video-sharing platform began its rapid rise to fame as a new and improved version of the formerly popular Music.ly app.[2]  By 2020, TikTok surpassed social media giants like Instagram and Facebook and became the most downloaded app of the year.[3]  In large part, this was due to its unique ability to connect people, share information, and provide comedic relief during a historic health crisis.[4]  Now, the fate of the platform is uncertain after the U.S. House of Representatives voted to approve a bill that requires ByteDance Ltd., TikTok’s parent company, to divest the app within six months or be banned from all U.S. devices.[5]

The primary justification for the proposed legislation is that TikTok’s prevalence in the United States poses a substantial risk to national security.[6]  While anticipating and providing protection against potential national security threats is an essential government function, so is upholding Americans’ constitutional right to free speech. The tension between these two objectives has led to considerable debate among politicians, industry experts, and the general public.[7]

A. The Protecting Americans from Foreign Adversary Controlled Applications Act

At least some of the public panic surrounding the Protecting Americans from Foreign Adversary Controlled Applications Act can be attributed to frequent mischaracterization of the Act as a TikTok ban rather than a potential TikTok ban.[8]  While there is no denying that ByteDance will be caught between a rock and a hard place if the bill becomes a law, the Act does provide an exemption for “a foreign adversary controlled application with respect to which a qualified divestiture is executed”.[9]  This language indicates that if ByteDance opts to sell the application to a permissible third party, the Act will no longer apply and TikTok can remain active in the United States.

In discussing the requirements of the Act and its intended effects, it is worth noting that the bill was approved by an overwhelming majority of the House.[10]  To achieve a vote of 352-65 [11] means that members with otherwise incompatible political views were able to agree on the importance of strengthening national security as it relates to TikTok and its use throughout the United States. Such strong bipartisan support is rare in today’s political climate[12] and perhaps telling of the need for more robust data protection, particularly when foreign entities are involved.

B. National Security Justifications

The government’s purported concerns about data usage and national security may be dissatisfying to some, but they are not without merit. As a technology company based in China, ByteDance is subject to various cybersecurity laws that enable the Chinese government to compel data access and require sensitive user information to be stored and processed in China.[13]  American lawmakers increasingly fear the misuse of user data because of that broad government authority and the excessive data collection allowed for by TikTok’s privacy agreement.[14]  More specifically, the U.S. government worries that China may leverage the data collected by TikTok to conduct influence operations and negatively shape American public opinion.[15]  Unsurprisingly, TikTok denies all allegations that it puts sensitive user data at risk.[16]

Several other countries, including India, Australia, and Canada, have taken similar steps to restrict or outright ban the use of TikTok for reasons of national security.[17]  So, while the security risks associated with TikTok are certainly susceptible to exaggeration, the fact that the United States is not alone in this sentiment helps validate its concerns and corresponding action.

C. Free Speech Concerns

Government attempts to regulate social media tend to be highly controversial because of the centrality of these platforms to modern day expression and free speech. TikTok, in particular, is widely praised for its facilitation of mass communication, information sharing, and advocacy.[18] Accordingly, American users are fiercely defensive of their ability to continue using the app to express themselves and interact with others.[19]

During litigation over state-level attempts to curtail TikTok use, judges have determined that preventing users from posting and consuming content on the app through a ban may very well constitute a violation of the First Amendment.[20]  The high bar that the government would have to overcome to prevail on a First Amendment challenge makes it likely that the law will be blocked if this issue eventually ends up in court.[21]  Nonetheless, promoters of the bill are confident that proposed restrictions on the app’s use do not even trigger First Amendment scrutiny because they regulate only economic transactions based on valid national security concerns.[22]  In other words, because the law affects the company’s ability to sell TikTok in the app store, it is regulation of a commercial activity rather than speech.

Conclusion

The debate over TikTok and its continued use in the United States is rife with competing interests and legal complexity. But for now, the 170 million Americans who regularly use the app can take comfort in the fact that the bill still needs to clear the Senate and make it to the desk of President Biden before the future of TikTok is truly in jeopardy.[23]


[1] See Protecting Americans from Foreign Adversary Controlled Applications Act, H.R. 7521, 118th Cong. (2023-2024).

[2] See Rebecca Fannin, The Strategy Behind TikTok’s Global Rise, Harvard Business Review (Sept. 13, 2019), https://hbr.org/2019/09/the-strategy-behind-tiktoks-global-rise.  

[3] John Koetsier, Here Are The 10 Most Downloaded Apps of 2020, Forbes (Jan. 7, 2021, 12:37 PM), https://www.forbes.com/sites/johnkoetsier/2021/01/07/here-are-the-10-most-downloaded-apps-of-2020/?sh=28ee844c5d1a.

[4] See Under Lockdown, U.S. Teens Turn to TikTok for Life Hacks, Laughs, Reuters (March 26, 2020, 6:16 AM) https://www.reuters.com/article/idUSKBN21D1BX/.

[5] H.R. 7521.

[6] H.R. 7521 (stating “[t]o protect the national security of the United States . . . .”).

[7] See Mike Scarcella, TikTok Bill Sets Up Fight Over Free Speech Protections of U.S. Constitution, Reuters (March 14, 2024, 4:17 PM), https://www.reuters.com/legal/tiktok-bill-sets-up-fight-over-free-speech-protections-us-constitution-2024-03-14/.

[8] See e.g., Hudson Hongo & David Greene, 5 Questions to Ask Before Backing the TikTok Ban, Electronic Frontier Foundation (March 15, 2024), https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2024/03/5-big-unanswered-questions-about-tiktok-bill (referring to the bill as “the TikTok Ban” in the article title contributes to initial public confusion about whether the Act calls for an immediate ban).

[9] H.R. 7521 § 2(c)(1)(A).

[10] Kevin Freking, et al., House Passes a Bill that Could Lead to a TikTok Ban if Chinese Owner Refuses to Sell, AP News (March 13, 2024, 7:56 PM), https://apnews.com/article/tiktok-ban-house-vote-china-national-security-8fa7258fae1a4902d344c9d978d58a37#:~:text=The%20bill%2C%20passed%20by%20a,Chinese%20technology%20firm%20ByteDance%20Ltd.

[11] Id.

[12] See Americans’ Dismal Views of the Nation’s Politics, Pew Research Center (Sept. 19, 2023), https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2023/09/19/americans-dismal-views-of-the-nations-politics/.

[13] Kristen E. Busch, Cong. Rsch. Serv., IN12131, TikTok: Recent Data Privacy and National Security Concerns (2023).

[14] See id.

[15] See id.

[16] Id.

[17] Sapna Maheshwari & Amanda Holpuch, Why the U.S. is Weighing Whether to Ban TikTok, The New York Times (March 12, 2024), https://www.nytimes.com/article/tiktok-ban.html.

[18] See Cristiano Lima-Strong & Drew Harwell, TikTok Users Flood Congress with Calls as Potential Ban Advances, The Washington Post (March 7, 2024, 6:49 PM), https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2024/03/07/tiktok-ban-congress-calls-us/.   

[19] Id.

[20] See Mike Scarcella, TikTok Bill Sets Up Fight Over Free Speech Protections of U.S. Constitution, Reuters (March 14, 2024, 4:17 PM), https://www.reuters.com/legal/tiktok-bill-sets-up-fight-over-free-speech-protections-us-constitution-2024-03-14/.

[21] Id.

[22] Id.

[23] Id.

By Colin Ridgell

While recent headlines have been dominated by the Supreme Court’s issued and pending opinions in cases of perceived political moment,[1] the Court has continued deciding questions that will ultimately have a direct impact on the lives and liberty of far more people than Section Three of the 14th Amendment[2] or Chevron[3] ever will.  While drawing less attention than it merits, the Court’s criminal docket has proven to be the source of widespread­—and often unanimous—agreement.  The Court’s recent decision in McElrath v. Georgia[4] provides a useful example of this trend.

Factual Background

The facts of McElrath case could hardly be more tragic.  On July 12, 2012, then 18-year old Damian McElrath killed his adoptive mother by stabbing her over 50 times.[5]  McElrath had struggled with behavioral and disciplinary issues throughout his childhood.[6]  Only a week before his mother’s death, McElrath had been admitted to a mental health treatment facility and diagnosed with schizophrenia, based, among other things, on his recurrent and long-running delusion that his mother was poisoning his food and drinks.[7]  After killing his mother, McElrath called 911, explained that he had killed his mother because she was poisoning him, and “asked the dispatcher if he was wrong to do that.”[8]

McElrath was charged with malice murder, felony murder, and aggravated assault.[9]  In December 2017, the jury returned a verdict of not guilty by reason of insanity on the malice murder charge but found McElrath guilty but mentally ill of felony murder and aggravated assault.[10]  These verdicts presented a seemingly obvious contradiction:

[T]he jury must have determined that McElrath was legally insane at the time that he stabbed Diane in order to support the finding that he was not guilty of malice murder by reason of insanity.  Nonetheless, the jury went on to find McElrath guilty but mentally ill of felony murder based on the same stabbing—a logical and legal impossibility.[11]

Deemed “repugnant verdicts” under Georgia law,[12] the legal and logical impossibility of the jury’s verdicts opened the door for an incredibly skilled piece of lawyering by McElrath’s attorneys.

The Georgia Decisions

McElrath would make two trips to the Supreme Court of Georgia.  He first challenged his felony murder conviction on the basis of the inconsistent verdicts.[13]  The court agreed, but vacated both the guilty but mentally ill verdict for felony murder and the not guilty by reason of insanity verdict for malice murder.[14] This was the first step in McElrath’s efforts to have both murder charges done away with based on the jury’s verdicts.

When the case returned to the trial court on remand, McElrath unsuccessfully moved to have his case dismissed on double jeopardy grounds.[15]  The Supreme Court of Georgia affirmed the denial of this motion, explaining that, although not guilty verdicts are all but sacrosanct in double jeopardy jurisprudence, when “[v]iewed in context alongside the verdict of guilty but mentally ill . . . the purported acquittal [lost] considerable steam.”[16]  In essence, the court held that vacatur of the repugnant verdicts had left McElrath with a blank slate as far as double jeopardy was concerned.[17]

The Supreme Court’s Decision

The Supreme Court of the United States was resoundingly unconvinced that the mark of acquittal could be so easily wiped away.  In Justice Jackson’s unanimous opinion, the Court reaffirmed that, “[o]nce rendered, a jury’s verdict of acquittal is inviolate.”[18]  The Court rejected Georgia’s argument that state law controlled whether a verdict was an acquittal for double jeopardy purposes,[19] explaining that the dispositive question is whether “there has been ‘any ruling that the prosecution’s proof is insufficient to establish criminal liability for an offense.’”[20]  The reasons for a jury’s verdict of acquittal are final and unquestionable, regardless of the permissibility of that verdict.[21]  Because the jury’s acquittal was accepted by the trial judge, the Supreme Court of Georgia was powerless to vacate it, and therefore the subsequent prosecution of McElrath for felony murder was barred by the Double Jeopardy Clause.[22] 

The Court left for another day, however, the issue of what double jeopardy effect would result from a trial judge’s rejection of inconsistent or repugnant verdicts.[23]  And Justice Alito reiterated the open nature of this question in his brief concurrence.[24] 

McElrath was never likely to be a high-profile case. Although the average American is far more likely to come into contact with the criminal justice system than to have their life permanently altered by the application of the major questions doctrine,[25] the latter cases attract a far greater level of popular attention.[26] It is perhaps unsurprising that so many are convinced that the “high profile” cases at the Court are decided 6-3,[27] when a “high profile” case has been tautologically defined as a case decided on ideological grounds.[28] Hopefully, close observers of the Court’s docket will remember that unanimous and nearly unanimous decisions are the norm rather than the exception.[29]  As important as McElrath is for reinforcing the constitutional limits on double jeopardy, it is equally important as a reminder that things at the Court are working as intended.


[1] See, e.g., Andrew Chung & John Kruzel, Trump wins Colorado ballot disqualification case at US Supreme Court, Reuters (March 4, 2024), https://www.reuters.com/legal/trump-wins-colorado-ballot-disqualification-case-us-supreme-court-2024-03-04/; Adam Liptak, Conservative Justices Appear Skeptical of Agencies’ Regulatory Power, The New York Times (Jan. 17, 2024), https://www.nytimes.com/2024/01/17/us/supreme-court-chevron-case.html.

[2] U.S. Const. amend XIV, § 3.

[3] Chevron, U.S.A., Inc. v. Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc., 467 U.S. 837 (1984).

[4] 144 S. Ct. 651 (2024).

[5] McElrath v. State, 839 S.E.2d 573, 574–75 (Ga. 2020).

[6] Id. at 575.

[7] Id.

[8] Id.

[9] Id. at 574.

[10] Id.

[11] Id. at 580.

[12] Id. at 579 (“This case falls into the category of repugnant verdicts, as the guilty and not guilty verdicts reflect affirmative findings by the jury that are not legally and logically possible of existing simultaneously.”).

[13] Id. at 575.

[14] Id. at 582.

[15] McElrath v. State, 880 S.E.2d 518, 519 (Ga. 2022).

[16] Id. at 521.

[17] See id. at 521–22.

[18] McElrath v. Georgia, 144 S. Ct. 641, 658 (2024).

[19] Id. at 559.

[20] Id. at 660 (quoting Evans v. Michigan, 568 U.S. 313, 318 (2013)).

[21] Id. at 659.

[22] Id. at 660.

[23] See id. at n.4.

[24] Id. at 661 (Alito, J., concurring) (“Nothing that we say today should be understood to express any view about whether a not-guilty verdict that is inconsistent with a verdict on another count and is not accepted by the trial judge constitutes an “acquittal” for double jeopardy purposes.”).

[25] Compare Susannah N. Tapp & Elizabeth J. Davis, Contacts Between Police and the Public, 2020, 1 (U.S. Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics) (2022), with Dr. Adam Feldman, Elites at Cert, Empirical SCOTUS (December 15,2021), https://empiricalscotus.com/2021/12/15/elites-at-cert/#:~:text=While%20attorneys%20working%20on%20cases,cert%20grant%20is%20around%201%25.

[26] See, e.g., Adam Liptak, The Curious Rise of a Supreme Court Doctrine that Threatens Biden’s Agenda, The New York Times (March 6, 2023), https://www.nytimes.com/2023/03/06/us/politics/supreme-court-major-questions-doctrine.html.

[27] See, e.g., Vincent M. Bonventre, 6 to 3: The Impact of the Supreme Court’s Super-Majority, New York State Bar Association (October 31, 2023), https://nysba.org/6-to-3-the-impact-of-the-supreme-courts-conservative-super-majority/.

[28] E.g., Lawrence Hurley & JoElla Carman, Tracking major Supreme Court cases, NBC News (updated June 30, 2023), https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/supreme-court/tracking-major-supreme-court-cases-rcna69594.

[29] Dr. Adam Feldman, Another One Bites the Dust: End of 2022/2023 Supreme Court Term Statistics, Empirical SCOTUS (June 30,2023), https://empiricalscotus.com/2023/06/30/another-one-bites-2022/.