By: Andrew Ring

On February 7, 2025, North Carolina Governor Josh Stein (Stein) filed a complaint in state court challenging portions of Senate Bill 382 (SB 382),[1] a disaster relief bill passed last December designed to provide relief to Western North Carolina following Hurricane Helene.[2]

Stein is not challenging the aid portions of the bill, however, and instead is seeking to nullify provisions that severely limit the Governor’s discretion to nominate replacements for vacant North Carolina appellate and Supreme Court seats.[3] Previously, the Governor had seemingly “unfettered” decision-making with no oversight or input from the legislative branch.[4] Now, SB 382 requires that the Governor fill both appellate and Supreme Court vacancies by selecting from a list of three candidates curated by the executive committee of the departing judge’s political party.[5]

While several states have legislatively implemented selection committees to provide candidates for judicial vacancies,[6] the North Carolina legislature’s attempt may prove to be difficult given the text of the state Constitution potentially conflicts with SB 382.

The Arguments

In recent years, the Democratic Governor and Republican Legislature have become familiar foes in North Carolina Courts, with both sides seeking to define the role of the executive in ways favorable to their respective parties.[7]With that in mind, below is an overview of the arguments that both sides will likely bring forward. 

While the Republican legislative defendants in the SB 382 lawsuit have not filed an Answer as of now,[8] their argument will likely center on both constitutional interpretation and separation of powers arguments. Article IV, Section 19 of the North Carolina Constitution states that “all vacancies occurring in [the court of appeals and Supreme Court] shall be filled by appointment of the Governor.”[9] The defendants will likely argue that the Governor is still filling the judicial vacancies by appointment and is therefore not violating the plain language of the North Carolina Constitution. Additionally, they will likely argue that this limitation on the Governor’s discretion is not enough to “prevent [the executive] branch from performing its constitutional duties,” which would violate the separation of powers clause.[10] After all, the Governor would still be “appointing” the vacancy, just now with a narrower set of options. 

On the other hand, Democrat Governor Stein is arguing that both the plain language of Article IV, Section 19 and the express requirement of separation of powers in the North Carolina Constitution together render the vacancy changes unconstitutional.[11] Additionally, Stein is making a contextual argument that since the North Carolina Constitution lays out the vacancy appointment process for superior court judges that invites the General Assembly to make changes, the Founders would have done the same for appellate and Supreme Court vacancies had they so desired.[12] Stein also contends that the defendants already knew this type of change to the vacancy appointment process requires a constitutional amendment, given that during the November 2018 elections the measure was put on the ballot and shot down.[13]

What’s Next?

Both parties in this case are making arguments that have roots in the North Carolina Constitution. However, given recent North Carolina Supreme Court decisions clarifying the notions of separation of power, it seems the superior court might be inclined to grant Stein’s requested declaratory and injunctive relief.[14]

The Court has continued to emphasize the textual commitment to the separation of powers in the North Carolina Constitution by siding with the executive branch when the legislature has tried to constrain its authority.[15] For instance, in Cooper v. Berger, the Court held that the republican legislature’s attempt to constrain former democrat Governor Roy Cooper’s appointments to an executive branch commission violated the separation of powers.[16] In Cooper, the legislature modified the nomination and oversight power of the Governor to a state election committee, requiring the Governor to choose from a list of nominees from the opposing political party and only allowing committee member dismissal for malfeasance.[17] The Cooper Court found that constraining gubernatorial power in this way “impermissibly interfere[d] with the Governor’s ability to execute  the laws in any manner.”[18]

While Cooper involved a separation of powers dispute regarding an executive branch commission,[19] Stein v. Hall is comparable in that it involves interference of the Governor’s appointment power. The Cooper Court emphasized the importance of the Governor maintaining control, without undue interference, of appointment powers granted to the Governor by the state Constitution.[20] The “selection list” model adopted in SB 382 constrains the Governor’s power to appoint judicial vacancies in the same vein as the measures struck down as unconstitutional in Cooper. With this comparison and the constitutional text in mind, it would not be surprising to see the superior court rule in favor of Stein and find the vacancy appointment measures unconstitutional. 

While scholars have debated the importance of placing some check on a Governor’s appointment power, it seems that in North Carolina it needs to be done via constitutional amendment.[21] Given the importance and contentious nature of this issue, this case will likely make its way up to the North Carolina Supreme Court by the end of 2025 no matter which way the superior court rules. 


[1] Verified Complaint at 1–2, Stein v. Hall, No. 25CV004705-910 (N.C. Sup. Ct. Feb. 7, 2025).

[2] The Disaster Recovery Act of 2024 – Part III, 2024 N.C. Sess. Law. 2024-57 (S.B. 382).

[3] Id. at § 120–22. 

[4] See John V. Orth & Paul M. Newby, The North Carolina State Constitution 141–42 (2d ed. 2013); see also N.C. Gen. Stat. §163-9(a) (2024). 

[5] Id. 

[6] See Stephen Ware, Judicial Selection Fails Separation of Powers, 72 Cath. U. L. Rev. 299, 319 (2023). 

[7] See e.g., Cooper v. Berger, 370 N.C. 392 (2018) (discussing separation of powers regarding executive oversight of elections).

[8] As of Feb. 16, 2025.  

[9] N.C. Const. art. IV, §19.

[10] See Cooper, 370 N.C. at 414 (quoting State ex rel. McCrory v. Berger, 368 N.C. 633, 645 (2016)). 

[11] See Verified Complaint at 5–7, Stein v. Hall, No. 25CV004705-910 (N.C. Sup. Ct. Feb. 7, 2025). 

[12] Id. at 7. 

[13] Id. There were 2,385,696 votes (66.85%) against modifying the Amendment and 1,183,080 (33.15%) in favor. Id. 

[14] Id. at 1. 

[15] See e.g.Cooper, 370 N.C. at 414; McCrory, 368 N.C. at 644–45.

[16] Cooper, 370 N.C. at 416–17.

[17] Id.  

[18] Id. at 417.

[19] Id. at 416–17.

[20] See id. at 418. 

[21] See Orth & Newby, supra note 4, at 325–26.

 

By: Anna Lants

On December 16, 2024, the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of North Carolina dismissed a lawsuit challenging the state’s prohibition on the unauthorized practice of law (“UPL”), igniting a debate over free speech, access to justice, and the regulation of the legal profession.[1]

The plaintiffs—two certified paralegals in coordination with the North Carolina Justice for All Project—argue North Carolina’s UPL laws, which prohibit non-lawyers from giving legal advice, violate their First Amendment right to free speech and exacerbate an already significant access-to-justice gap.[2] Last month, the plaintiffs appealed the district court’s dismissal in Polaski v. Lee, setting the stage for a legal battle that could have significant implications for the regulation of the legal profession in the state.[3]

North Carolina’s Law on the Unauthorized Practice of Law

North Carolina’s UPL statutes broadly define the practice of law to include “performing any legal service for any other person, firm or corporation, with or without compensation.”[4] This includes representing individuals or entities in legal matters, preparing legal documents or court filings, and providing legal advice or counsel.[5] Excluding narrow exceptions carved out for mediators, real estate brokers, and licensed motor vehicle dealers, non-lawyers who hold themselves out as being “competent or qualified” to perform these legal services may be found guilty of a criminal offense.[6]

Paralegals, as non-lawyers, are subject to these UPL laws. While the North Carolina State Bar and North Carolina Supreme Court recognize that paralegal utilization is essential to the provision of affordable legal services (and accordingly adopted proficiency standards for paralegal certification in 2004), paralegals are still constrained in the type and extent of services they may perform.[7] For example, paralegals must be directly supervised by a licensed attorney.[8] Furthermore, paralegals may perform only “legally-related tasks,” as distinguished from “legal services.”[9] According to the North Carolina State Bar, such tasks include communicating settlement terms with insurers, requesting client signatures on documents, and handling the disbursements of proceeds for transactions.[10] However, in all instances, paralegals are prohibited from exercising “independent legal judgment.”[11]

Why Paralegals Argue UPL Laws Violate Their Right to Free Speech

In January 2024, two North Carolina paralegals, who combined have more than 40 years of experience working under licensed attorneys,[12] sued to challenge North Carolina’s UPL statutes on First Amendment grounds. Joined by the North Carolina Justice for All Project, a nonprofit advocating for expanded access to legal assistance for low-income individuals, the plaintiffs argued the state’s broad UPL laws unconstitutionally restrict speech, namely legal advice.[13]They maintain that legal advice constitutes protected speech under the First Amendment, which has “no occupational licensing exception.”[14]

Specifically, the Polaski plaintiffs seek to provide free or low-cost legal advice on basic court-created forms for common legal problems, such as evictions, restraining orders, estate planning, and uncontested divorces.[15] The primary beneficiaries of this legal advice, they argue, would be North Carolinians who cannot afford a lawyer but who earn too much to qualify for free legal assistance;[16] the North Carolina Justice for All Project has dubbed this group the “missing middle.”[17]

However, although the plaintiffs characterize such services as very “simple,” they require paralegals to tailor their advice to their clients’ “factual circumstances and legal goals,” thus forcing them to exercise “independent legal judgment.”[18]As a result, performing these services would constitute the “practice of law,” in violation of the state’s UPL laws.[19]

In Defense of North Carolina’s UPL Laws

The defendants—five North Carolina prosecutors and the then-president of the North Carolina State Bar—moved to dismiss the plaintiff’s First Amendment challenge, citing to Capital Associated Industries, Inc. v. Stein (in which the Fourth Circuit ruled that North Carolina’s UPL statutes were content-neutral laws regulating conduct, with only an incidental impact on speech).[20] Notably, the Fourth Circuit held that UPL statutes “don’t target the communicative aspects of practicing law, such as the advice lawyers may give to clients,” but rather “focus more broadly on the question of who may conduct themselves as a lawyer.”[21] According to the Fourth Circuit, any effect on speech “is merely incidental to the primary objective of regulating the conduct of the profession.”[22]

Siding with the defense, the Polaski court dismissed the First Amendment challenge, holding that North Carolina’s UPL statutes satisfy the requisite intermediate scrutiny analysis.[23] As noted by the Polaski court, UPL laws serve a substantial state interest: protecting citizens from unqualified legal assistance and ensuring adherence to professional ethical standards.[24] Because only attorneys, and not paralegals, are governed by the Rules of Professional Conduct, which impose duties of competence and loyalty, the court emphasized that clients lack sufficient recourse against non-lawyers.[25]

Looking Ahead: What Polaski Means for Access to Legal Services

Last month, the plaintiffs appealed the dismissal to the Fourth Circuit.[26] In support, they point to a number of other states—including Arizona and Utah—that have reformed their UPL laws to create limited practice rights for paralegals.[27] A favorable ruling from the Fourth Circuit could encourage similar reforms in North Carolina.

Ultimately, Polaski is a critical case in the ongoing debate over access to justice and the regulation of legal services. Its outcome will undoubtedly have lasting implications for both the legal profession and the many North Carolinians who struggle to afford basic legal assistance.[28]


[1] Polaski v. Lee, No. 7:24-CV-4-BO-BM, 2024 WL 5121029, at *1 (E.D.N.C. Dec. 16, 2024).

[2] Id.

[3] Notice of Appeal, Polaski v. Lee, No. 7:24-CV-4-BO-BM, 2024 WL 5121029 (E.D.N.C. Dec. 16, 2024).

[4] N.C. Gen. Stat. § 84–2.1 (2024). 

[5] Id. See also N.C. Gen. Stat. § 84–4 (2024).

[6] N.C. Gen. Stat. §§ 84–2.1(b), 84–4, 84–8.

[7] Guidelines for Use of Paralegals in Rendering Legal Services, N.C. State Bar Paralegal Certification (2010), https://www.nccertifiedparalegal.gov/guidelines/guidelines-on-the-use-of-paralegals/.

[8] Reporting and Preventing the Unauthorized Practice of Law, N.C. State Bar, https://www.ncbar.gov/for-the-public/reporting-and-preventing-the-unauthorized-practice-of-law/ (last visited Feb. 10, 2025).

[9] Guidelines for Use of Paralegals in Rendering Legal Services, supra note 7.

[10] Id.

[11] Id.

[12] Sydney Haulenbeek, ‘Our Speech is Chilled’: North Carolina Paralegals Sue to Provide Legal Advice, Courthouse News Service(Jan. 4, 2024), https://www.courthousenews.com/our-speech-is-chilled-north-carolina-paralegals-sue-to-provide-legal-advice/.

[13] Polaski, 2024 WL 5121029, at *1.

[14] Haulenbeek, supra note 12.

[15] Polaski, 2024 WL 5121029, at *1–2.

[16] Id. at *1.

[17] Plaintiffs’ Memorandum in Opposition to Defendants’ Motion to Dismiss, Polaski v. Lee, No. 7:24-CV-4-BO-BM, 2024 WL 5121029 (E.D.N.C. Dec. 16, 2024).

[18] Polaski, 2024 WL 5121029, at *2.

[19] See N.C. Gen. Stat. §§ 84–2.1(a), 84–4, 84–8.

[20] Polaski, 2024 WL 5121029, at *1 (citing Cap. Associated Indus., Inc. v. Stein, 922 F.3d 198, 207 (4th Cir. 2019)).

[21] Cap. Associated Indus., 922 F.3d at 208.

[22] Id.

[23] Polaski, 2024 WL 5121029, at *2–4.

[24] Id. at *4.

[25] Id. (citing N.C. R. Pro. Conduct r. 1.1; 1.7–1.13).

[26] Notice of Appeal, supra note 3.

[27] Plaintiffs’ Memorandum in Opposition to Defendants’ Motion to Dismiss, supra note 17. Arizona, Minnesota, Oregon, and Utah currently allow paralegals to obtain a limited license “to provide viable alternatives to hiring a lawyer for uncomplicated legal needs,” particularly in the areas of family law and landlord-tenant law, “when the client cannot afford a lawyer.” Tara Hughes & Joyce Reichard, How States Are Using Limited Licensed Legal Paraprofessionals to Address the Access to Justice Gap, Am. Bar Ass’n(Sep. 2, 2022), https://www.americanbar.org/groups/paralegals/blog/how-states-are-using-non-lawyers-to-address-the-access-to-justice-gap/.

[28] Phillip Suderman, North Carolina Nonprofit, Paralegals Plan to Appeal Court’s Ruling Dismissing Case Challenging State’s Ban on Legal Advice from Non-Lawyers, Institute for Justice (Dec. 18, 2024), https://ij.org/press-release/north-carolina-nonprofit-paralegals-plan-to-appeal-courts-ruling-dismissing-case-challenging-states-ban-on-legal-advice-from-non-lawyers/#:~:text=JFAP%27s%20lawsuit%20challenges%20North%20Carolina%27s,restraining%20orders%2C%20and%20uncontested%20divorces (“According to a comprehensive study, 71 percent of low-income North Carolinians will experience at least one civil legal problem each year, and 86 percent of those legal needs will ‘go unmet because of limited resources for civil legal aid providers.’”)

By: Virginia Brown

The first two weeks of President Donald Trump’s (“Trump”) second term have been marked by a flurry of activity: executive orders, firings, and hirings, but arguably nothing more dramatic or wide-sweeping than the attempted federal funding freeze.[1]

The story starts with the Office of Management and Budget (“OMB”) memorandum (the “memo”) released on Monday, January 27, 2025.[2] This memo directed federal agencies to “to the extent permissible under applicable law… temporarily pause all activities related to obligation or disbursement of all Federal financial assistance and other relevant agency activities that may be implicated by the executive orders.” The “executive orders” in question were the ones that Trump had just signed which, according to the memo, aimed to eliminate “Marxist equity, transgenderism, and green new deal social engineering policies.”[3]

Immediate Response

The broad language of the memo caused widespread outcry and confusion, both among federal agency employees and the states themselves.[4] Twenty-two states and the District of Columbia, including North Carolina, sued to prevent the memo from being enforced.[5] The pause would affect every federal agency and would seem to, at least temporarily, freeze every grant of money from a federal agency, including things from SNAP benefits to student loans. While uncertain, this appeared to affect trillions of dollars in federal grants and loans.[6]

Concerningly, while there were carveouts for Medicare and Social Security, the status of Medicaid was uncertain.[7] Medicaid is a massive federal expense, and the impact of suddenly pausing such payments would be astronomical.[8] North Carolina alone gets billions of dollars in federal funding from Medicaid.[9] The federal freeze was even suspected of causing Medicaid reimbursement portals to go offline in all 50 states on Tuesday, the day after the memo was issued.[10]

Legal Challenges and Executive Response

One day after the federal freeze was issued, a federal judge issued an injunction blocking the memo from taking effect until Monday, February 3 while he considered arguments about the freeze’s legality.[11] The next day, the OMB rescinded the memo.[12] This is notable, not just for the chaos of the two days when it was out, but because it is the only blemish, and so far the only successful pushback in the otherwise smooth rollout of President Trump’s agenda for his second term.[13] However, later that same day, the White House, in an X post by President Trump’s Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt, stated that this rescission is “NOT a recission of the federal funding freeze. It is simply a recission of the OMB memo…. The President’s EO’s on federal funding remain in full force and effect, and will be rigorously implemented.”[14]

On January 31, another federal judge ordered a temporary pause in the freeze,[15] finding that, based on the post, there was “sufficient evidence” that the government still planned to carry out the policy. Trump administration officials have since clarified that programs that provide direct assistance to Americans would not be affected by any pause in funding.[16]

Constitutionality of the Funding Freeze

Although the current status of the funding freeze is uncertain, the fact remains that this is a policy that the Trump administration intends to pursue in some form and that such a policy would have undetermined, wide-ranging effects. But is this a legal exercise of executive power?

Challengers to these actions are likely to look to the Impoundment Control Act.[17] This 1974 law was passed to prevent the President from withholding spending on programs that he does not support.[18] That law does allow the President to temporarily withhold funds, but he must notify Congress, and the decision cannot be policy-motivated.[19] However, Trump’s nominee to run the OMB and his appointment to OMB general counsel both believe that the Impoundment Control Act itself is unconstitutional.[20]

Challengers also may argue that the action is unconstitutional based on the provision that the President “take care that the laws be faithfully executed” and the idea that it is the role of Congress, not the executive to impose taxes and spend money.[21] While the Trump administration seems to assume that the Supreme Court will be sympathetic, there is Supreme Court precedent acknowledging restrictions on presidential power when it comes to spending or withholding money.[22] In 1974, the Court ruled that the President could not withhold funding that Congress had allocated to reducing water pollution.[23] In 1998, the Court invalidated a law that allowed the president to issue “line item” vetoes of laws passed by Congress – that is the President could not veto specific items within legislation instead of accepting or vetoing the full text.[24] Freezing certain programs based on ideology is akin to a years-delayed line item veto.[25] It seems imminent that the issue will at least end up before the Supreme Court, but the outcome remains to be seen.[26]


[1] See The Daily, Trump 2.0 Arrives in Force, The New York Times (Jan. 31, 2025), https://www.nytimes.com/2025/01/31/podcasts/the-daily/trump-guantanamo-confirmation-rfk.html.

[2] Memorandum for Heads of Executive Departments and Agencies from the Office of Management and Budget (Jan. 27, 2025).

[3] Id.

[4] Dan Mangan & Kevin Breuninger, White House Says Trump Funding Freeze Remains in Effect Despite Rescinding OMB Memo, CNBC (Jan. 29, 2025, 3:40 PM), https://www.cnbc.com/2025/01/29/white-house-rescinds-federal-funds-freeze-memo.html.

[5] Sophie Clark, Full List of States Suing Donald Trump Over Federal Funding Freeze, Newsweek (Jan. 29, 2025, 6:58 AM), https://www.newsweek.com/full-list-states-suing-donald-trump-federal-funding-freeze-2022653.

[6] Katherine Faulders & Will Steakin, OMB General Counsel Faces Backlash Following Federal Funding Freeze Order: Sources, ABC News (Jan. 31, 2025, 3:04 PM), https://abcnews.go.com/US/omb-general-counsel-faces-backlash-federal-funding-freeze/story?id=118321938.

[7] Clark, supra note 5.

[8] Health Care in North Carolina, KFF (last visited Jan. 31, 2025), https://www.kff.org/statedata/election-state-fact-sheets/north-carolina/#:~:text=Total%20Medicaid%20and%20CHIP%20enrollment,the%20pandemic%20in%20February%202020.

[9] Id.

[10] Mangan & Breuninger, supra note 4.

[11] Id.

[12] Id.

[13] Faulders & Steakin, supra note 6; The Daily, supra note 1.

[14] Mangan & Breuninger, supra note 4.

[15] Michael Casey, Second Judge Temporarily Blocks Federal Funding Freeze Efforts by Trump Administration, PBS News (Jan 31, 2025, 5:21 PM), https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/second-judge-temporarily-blocks-federal-funding-freeze-efforts-by-trump-administration.

[16] Id.

[17] Lindsay Whitehurst, White House Rescinds Federal Funding Freeze Amid Legal Battle, Widespread Confusion, Associated Press (Jan 29, 2023, 5:45 PM), https://apnews.com/article/federal-grants-loans-pause-trump-supreme-court-87f4951ad01ea2782ef5290642b0305e.

[18] Id.

[19] Id.

[20] Lawrence Hurley, Trump’s Effort to Withhold Federal Funding Triggers Constitutional Showdown, NBC News (Jan. 28, 2025, 5:22 PM), https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/white-house/trumps-effort-withhold-federal-funding-will-trigger-imminent-legal-act-rcna189583.

[21] Id.; Ivan Pereira, Trump Funding Freese a Blatant Violation of Constitution, Federal Law: Legal Experts, ABC News (Jan. 28, 2025, 5:20 PM) https://abcnews.go.com/Politics/trump-funding-freeze-blatant-violation-constitution-federal-law/story?id=118183957.

[22] Hurley, supra note 20.

[23] Whitehurst, supra note 17.

[24] Hurley, supra note 20.

[25] See id.

[26] Whitehurst, supra note 17.

On January 10th, the Supreme Court of the United States (“Supreme Court”) heard arguments about whether the Protecting Americans from Foreign Adversary Controlled Applications Act (the “Act”), as applied, would violate TikTok, Inc.’s First Amendment rights. As of Friday, January 17, the Supreme Court ruled to uphold the Act.[1] The Supreme Court found that the Government’s national security justifications were compelling, and the Act was narrowly tailored to further those interests.[2]  Therefore, the Act was not a violation of the First Amendment.[3] The Act will make it unlawful for companies in the United States to provide services to distribute, maintain, or update the social media platform TikTok unless the platform is severed from Chinese control.[4] As of January 19th, TikTok is effectively banned from the United States.

This Act went into effect one day before President Joe Biden (“President Biden”) left office.[5] President Biden stated that he would not enforce the ban on his final day as president, as it would be impossible to bring an enforcement proceeding to completion in one day.[6] Ultimately, President Donald Trump (“President Trump”) will be tasked with enforcing the law. President Trump has filed a brief claiming that he “alone possesses the consummate dealmaking expertise, the electoral mandate, and the political will to negotiate a resolution to save the platform while addressing the national security concerns expressed by the Government.”[7] Despite President Trump being the first to raise concern over TikTok in 2020, he now claims to be committed to saving the app.[8] Critics are curious as to how this will play into President Trump’s political agenda.[9]

What does this mean for everyday users?

The Act makes it unlawful for app stores to sell and maintain TikTok.[10] After the ruling by the Supreme Court, TikTok threatened to “Go Dark” unless the Biden administration assured them that Apple, Google, and other companies would not be punished for providing TikTok services in the US.[11] Despite the fact that President Biden had made clear that his administration would not take any immediate action against Apple, Google, and other companies, TikTok proceeded to “Go Dark”.[12]  TikTok went dark for a little over 12 hours from January 18th to the 19th, returning with a message thanking President Trump for providing the necessary clarity needed for the app’s return.[13]

However, TikTok is still banned, and moving forward the app will no longer be available on app stores.[14] Users who deleted the app during the blackout period or users seeking to download the app for the first time will be unable to do so.[15]  Existing users will be able to continue using the app on their devices.[16] But, since the app is no longer available for updates it will likely develop glitches and stop working over time.[17] Similar to “Flappy Bird”, a once famous app that users downloaded to play games. When Flappy Bird was shut down, the app was removed from the App Store and Google Play, but users who previously had the app on their devices could continue to play the game.[18] However, over time the app began to slow down and eventually became obsolete. Current users of TikTok may experience a very similar outcome. In an attempt to prevent this, President Trump has announced that he will issue an executive order to extend the period before the Act goes into effect, so that his administration can make a deal to protect national security.[19] If President Trump is unable to “save” TikTok, the ban may negatively affect millions of citizens and small businesses.

What does this mean for TikTok Creators?

Since the start of social media, there have been “influencers” and “content creators” but with TikTok, the fame of content creators rose to a new level. “The creator economy is worth $250 billion, and TikTok hosts more than one million influencers, many of whom make a living or supplement their income through the platform.”[20] Content creators are now on TV commercials, magazine covers, hosting podcasts, and making appearances on television. TikTok users have expressed their desire to see “normal” people on their screens, and companies are listening. Companies are selecting content creators for their campaigns and having them post casual content on TikTok instead of putting out TV commercials or other ad campaigns. Companies have realized that these types of ads are bringing in the most profit and influencers are requesting a pretty penny for these posts. Micro-influencers report making anywhere from $500-$2,000 a post, while celebrity influencers make anywhere from $20,000 to $200,000 a post.[21] Content creators not only make money from ad campaigns but also through the creator fund. The TikTok creator fund allows creators to receive funds based on a variety of factors from their videos, such as likes, views, and other forms of engagement.[22] Users can make anywhere from $0.02-$0.04 per 1,000 views.[23] Creators who post several videos a month that get millions of views each can make a substantial income from the creator fund.

Additionally, the TikTok ban will also affect companies, especially small businesses who rely on social media to get customers in the door. Small businesses in North Carolina are bracing for impact. Annabelle Johnson, owner of a Charlotte-based online boutique Homewurk, said she owns 99% of her business’ success to TikTok.[24] Small businesses are going to be forced to shift to different social media platforms to promote their business. In preparation for the TikTok ban Charlotte content creators and businesses are migrating to other social media platforms like Facebook, Instagram, and YouTube.[25] Instagram and YouTube are expected to experience an increase in engagement because of the TikTok ban, as content creators may try to maintain their social media presence on these platforms.

Ultimately, many creators have reported quitting their jobs and working solely as content creators, but now with the TikTok ban many creators may be forced to return to work or to make other social media platforms work. Investment analysts predict that Instagram and YouTube both stand to gain “incrementally” more revenue and time spent on their platforms following the TikTok ban.[26] Instagram has developed “Instagram Reels”, and YouTube has implemented “YouTube Shorts”, but are these really on par with TikTok?[27] The question now becomes, can YouTube, Facebook, or  Instagram regain its popularity and maintain the same level of engagement as TikTok?


[1]  Updates: Supreme Court Backs Law Requiring TikTok to be Sold or Banned, NY Times (Jan 17, 2025), https://www.nytimes.com/live/2025/01/17/us/tiktok-ban-supreme-court; TikTok v. Garland, No. 24-656 (Jan. 17, 2025).

[2] TikTok, slip op. at 6.

[3] Id.

[4] Id.; Protecting Americans from Foreign Adversary Controlled Applications Act of 2024, H.R. 7521, 118th Cong. (2d Sess. 2024). 

[5] H.R. 7521, 118th Cong. (2d Sess. 2024). 

[6] Ian Millhiser, The Supreme Court’s decision upholding the TikTok ban, explained, Vox (January 17, 2025, 11:50 AM), https://www.vox.com/scotus/395462/supreme-court-tik-tok-garland-first-amendment-china.

[7] Id.

[8] TikTok, slip op. at 3. (In August of 2020, President Trump delivered an executive order expressing the danger that TikTok posed to national security)

[9] Id.

[10] Id.  

[11] David McCabe, TikTok to “Go Dark” on Sunday for its 170 Million American Users, NY Times, https://www.nytimes.com/2025/01/17/technology/17tiktok-goes-dark-sunday-apple-google.html?smid=nytcore-ios-share&referringSource=articleShare (updated Jan 18, 2025 11:49 AM).

[12] Julia Shapero, TikTok restoring services to US users, The Hill (Jan. 19, 2025, 1:14 PM),https://thehill.com/policy/technology/5094247-tiktok-restoring-service-us/

[13] Id.

[14] Id.

[15] Id.

[16] Id.  

[17] Sapna Maheshwari, What would a TikTok ban actually look like?, NY Times (Jan. 17, 2024), https://www.nytimes.com/live/2025/01/17/us/tiktok-ban-supreme-court/what-would-a-tiktok-ban-actually-look-like?smid=url-share.

[19] Christine Mui, Trump reveals his plan to revive TikTok, Politico, https://www.politico.com/news/2025/01/19/trump-plan-save-tiktok-00199177 (updated Jan. 19, 2025, 1:07 PM).

[20] Zev van Zanten & Tina Qian, What if TikTok is banned? Student and alumni creators on the TikTok ban, The Chronicle (Jan. 17, 2025, 12:00 AM), https://www.dukechronicle.com/article/2025/01/what-if-tiktok-is-banned-student-and-alumni-creators-on-the-tiktok-ban#:~:text=As%20TikTok%20is%20the%20main,survive%20if%20TikTok%20is%20banned.

[21] Joe Tobin, Understanding TikTok Influencer Rates: A Comprehensive Guide to Earning and Charging, Billo (Sept. 8, 2024), https://billo.app/blog/tiktok-influencer-rates/#:~:text=Average%20Payment%20Ranges%20Based%20on%20Industry%20Reports%20and%20Surveys&text=Nano%20Influencers%3A%20%24100%20–%20%24500%20per,%3A%20%2420%2C000%20–%20%24200%2C000%2B%20per%20campaign.

[22] TikTok Creator Fund: Your questions answered, TikTok, https://newsroom.tiktok.com/en-gb/tiktok-creator-fund-your-questions-answered (Updated Mar. 25, 2021).

[23] How Much Does TikTok Pay Creators in 2025?, Rally, https://rally.fan/blog/how-much-does-tiktok-pay#:~:text=TikTok%20Creator%20Fund&text=Creators%20are%20paid%20based%20on,from%20the%20Creator%20Fund%20alone (last updated Jan. 15, 2025).

[24] Chyna Blackmon, What will NC content creators do after TikTok ban? Here’s where they would go, Charlotte Observer, https://www.charlotteobserver.com/charlottefive/c5-people/article298595263.html (updated Jan. 17, 2025, 10:36 AM)

[25] Id.

[26] Id.  

[27] Mike Issac et. al., Instagram and YouTube Prepare to benefit From a TikTok Ban, NY Times, https://www.nytimes.com/2025/01/17/technology/instagram-youtube-tiktok-ban.html#:~:text=Instagram%20and%20YouTube%20will%20both,Cowen%2C%20said%20in%20an%20interview (updated Jan. 17, 2025, 2:01 PM).

Chris Whipple

Background

Earlier this month, a local school board in North Carolina failed to pass a policy requiring public school classrooms to display posters of the Ten Commandments.[1] The Iredell-Statesville School Board of Education (“I-SS Board”) voted against the proposal by one of its board members for a “Founding Documents” poster, featuring the Ten Commandments alongside the United States Constitution and Bill of Rights.[2] The I-SS Board noted concerns that the Supreme Court of the United States (the “Supreme Court”) has already held such a policy unconstitutional and did not have the budget to defend a policy they considered destined to be struck down.[3]

While calls for fiscal restraint to defend a controversial policy are commendable, it is less clear whether the precedent the I-SS Board points to would be upheld by today’s Supreme Court. It would certainly be easier to answer that question if a government entity—with a sizeable budget—was willing to test the theory. Thankfully, that question is unlikely to remain hypothetical, as the I-SS Board was not alone in considering such a policy. Several local and state governments have attempted to require such displays of the Ten Commandments in their classrooms, most of which have been unsuccessful.[4]

One notable exception would be Louisiana, which passed legislation earlier this year that requires public schools—from the elementary to postsecondary levels—to display posters of the Ten Commandments in every classroom.[5] Each poster must include a contextual statement indicating the historical role of the Ten Commandments in public education in the United States.[6] The law also authorizes schools to display other foundational documents such as the Mayflower Compact, the Declaration of Independence, and the United States Constitution.[7] Louisiana intends for the law to “ensure that students in our public schools may understand and appreciate the foundational documents of our state and national government.”[8] Unsurprisingly, the law was immediately challenged by the American Civil Liberties Union (“ACLU”), on behalf of several multi-faith families in Louisiana, who allege that the law violates the Establishment Clause of the Constitution.[9]

Current Precedent

In its Complaint in the United States District Court for the Middle District of Louisiana,[10] the ACLU cites to Stone v. Graham,[11] where the Supreme Court struck down a nearly identical law in Kentucky over forty years ago.[12] In Stone, displaying the Ten Commandments in classrooms was seen as “plainly religious in nature” and “serves no such educational function.”[13] The Supreme Court ultimately ruled that Kentucky’s law “had no secular legislative purpose, and is therefore unconstitutional.”[14] A seemingly open-and-shut case. However, cases since Stone call into question the soundness of its analysis, and changes in the Supreme Court’s composition raise the possibility of its willingness to relook its conclusion.

Developments Since Stone

The constitutionality of the displays in Stone was determined under the establishment test articulated in the now-abrogated case Lemon v. Kurtzman.[15] This alone means the Supreme Court would need to apply a different rationale to uphold Stone’s conclusion. The Supreme Court altered the analysis for Ten Commandment displays in a pair of conflicting cases published on the same day in 2005.[16] Justice Breyer, who often took a neutral approach to Establishment Clause analysis,[17] served as the critical swing vote in both cases.[18]

One case was McCreary County v. ACLU,[19] which found that posters of the Ten Commandments in Kentucky courtrooms were unconstitutional.[20] Like Stone, the Supreme Court in McCreary County reached its decision by applying the now-abrogated Lemon test.[21] The displays in McCreary County were also noteworthy as they did not have any indication they were erected for a secular purpose; only after the displays were challenged in court did the county legislatures add language to the displays indicating their historical significance.[22]

The other case was Van Orden v. Perry,[23] which found that a monument of the Ten Commandments on the grounds of the Texas State Capitol was constitutional.[24] While not overruling the Lemon test, the Supreme Court’s plurality noted that many “recent cases have simply not applied” it and did not find it “useful in dealing with” the monument in this case.[25] Instead, they would analyze the constitutionality of the Ten Commandments displayed “both by the nature of the monument and by our Nation’s history.”[26] The Supreme Court held that such a display can have a secular purpose of recognizing the role of religion “in our Nation’s heritage” and that “promoting a message consistent with a religious doctrine does not run afoul of the Establishment Clause.”[27] However, they did distinguish the monument from the displays in Stone, noting that this monument was “a far more passive use” of the Ten Commandments and that there are “particular concerns that arise in the context of public . . . schools” that are not present on the grounds of the State Capitol.[28]

The distinguishment in Van Orden remains a sizeable hurdle to overcome for Louisiana’s legal defense. However, the state may benefit from the changes in the Supreme Court’s composition since Van Orden, which has resulted in an increasingly accommodationist approach to Establishment Clause cases.[29] Under an accommodationist approach, the Supreme Court would “interpret the Establishment Clause to recognize the importance of religion in society” and find that the government violates it only when it “establishes a church, coerces religious participation, or favors one religion over others in its award of benefits.”[30] This approach has been seen in recent Establishment Clauses cases where the Supreme Court has reaffirmed that displays of the Ten Commandments on government property can “convey other meanings” such as its “historical significance as one of the foundations of our legal system.”[31]

Future Implications

Applying an accommodationist approach to the Louisiana case, it would not be difficult to see the Supreme Court reasoning that the law has a secular purpose of promoting “state and national history, culture, and tradition.”[32] Unlike the displays in McCreary County, the Louisiana law recognized this secular purpose when it was originally enacted.[33] The outcome of the case would thus turn on whether the display of the Ten Commandments in the context of a classroom is sufficiently coercive to violate the Establishment Clause. If the Supreme Court were to deem the displays as passive and something that students could ignore like the monument in Van Orden, Louisiana’s law would be ruled constitutional. Conversely, if it were to deem the displays as more akin to compulsory school prayer or Bible readings, the law would be ruled unconstitutional.[34] Given the Supreme Court’s current embrace of accommodationist analysis, and especially after its recent willingness to overturn decades-old precedent,[35] supporters and cynics alike could see a scenario where Stone is overturned.

For any legislative bodies seeking to implement similar policies that display the Ten Commandments in public schools, or legal practitioners advising such groups, this may not be such a clearcut case of “thou shall not.” Instead, given the changes of Establishment Clause analysis and the prevailing judicial philosophy of the Supreme Court, this may be a case of “wait and see.”


[1] Karissa Miller, I-SS Board Derails Effort to Display the Ten Commandments in All District Schools, Iredell Free News (Oct. 15, 2024), https://www.iredellfreenews.com/news-features/2024/i-ss-board-derails-effort-to-display-ten-commandments-in-all-district-schools/.

[2] Id.

[3] Id.

[4] Associated Press, Louisiana Will Require the 10 Commandments Displayed in Every Public School Classroom, NPR (June 19, 2024), https://www.npr.org/2024/06/19/nx-s1-5012597/louisiana-10-commandments-law-public-school-classrooms.

[5] Id.

[6] H.B. 71, 2024 H.R., Reg. Sess. (La. 2024).

[7] Id.

[8] Id.

[9] Civil Liberties Groups Will File Lawsuit Against Louisiana Law Requiring Public Schools to Display the Ten Commandments, ACLU Louisiana (June 19, 2024), https://www.laaclu.org/en/press-releases/civil-liberties-groups-will-file-lawsuit-against-louisiana-law-requiring-public

[10] Complaint for Declaratory Judgment and Injunctive Relief at 2, 39, Roake v. Brumley, No. 3:24-CV-00517, 2024 WL 3162067 (M.D. La. filed June 24, 2024).

[11] 449 U.S. 39 (1980).

[12] Id. at 39.

[13] Id. at 41–42.

[14] Id. at 41. In his dissent, Justice Rehnquist excoriated the majority for its unprecedented “summary rejection of the secular purpose articulated by the legislature and confirmed by the state court.” Id. at 43.

[15] Id. at 40. See Lemon v. Kurtzman, 403 U.S. 602 (1971), abrogated by Groff v. DeJoy, 600 U.S. 447 (2023).

[16] See Van Orden v. Perry, 545 U.S. 677 (2005); McCreary County v. ACLU, 545 U.S. 844 (2005).

[17] Howard Gillman & Erwin Chemerinsky, The Religion Clauses 59 (2020).

[18] See Van Orden, 545 U.S. at 698; McCreary County, 545 U.S. at 848.

[19] 545 U.S. 844 (2005).

[20] Id. at 881.

[21] Id. at 859.

[22] Id. at 853.

[23] 545 U.S. 677 (2005).

[24] Id. at 681.

[25] Id. at 686.

[26] Id.

[27] Id. at 687, 690.

[28] Id. at 691.

[29] Gillman & Chemerinsky, supra note 17, at 58.

[30] Id. at 51–52.

[31] Am. Legion v. Am. Humanist Ass’n, 588 U.S. 19, 31–32 (2019).

[32] La. H.B. 71, supra note 6.

[33] Id.

[34] See, e.g., Lee v. Weisman, 505 U.S. 577 (1992) (school prayer); Sch. Dist. of Abington Twp. v. Schempp, 374 U.S. 203 (1963) (bible reading).

[35] See, e.g., Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Org., 597 U.S. 215 (2022).

Benjamin Riley

Social Media’s Rise to the Forefront

Over the last few decades, social media platforms have gained immense popularity with Americans,[1] and statistics point to the average American having accounts on multiple platforms.[2] Yet, as is the case with many trends, this growth has not come without its fair share of controversy. These platforms have taken center stage in many recent legal battles, perhaps most notably a high-profile case decided by the Supreme Court this summer that explored First Amendment issues and the dissemination of information through social media platforms.[3] Moreover, there has also been a wide array of legislative proposals relating to social media in 2024.[4] Apart from constitutional disputes and state legislation, questions have also been raised about worrisome political ramifications[5] and potential health effects.[6] Needless to say, social media’s rise to the forefront of the American consciousness has not been unanimously applauded.

Government Officials Take Action

Recently, concerns over social media’s health effects on children and teenagers have become a frequently discussed topic.[7] This concern was addressed by the Surgeon General of the United States, Vivek H. Murthy, in an advisory released in mid-2023, warning that social media can affect the well-being of the country’s young people.[8] This advisory was escalated in June of 2024 to a powerfully worded, public message to Congress and the country explaining that a Surgeon General’s warning on social media platforms is needed.[9] The message, which appeared as an opinion piece in The New York Times, draws attention to the effect social media has on children’s anxiety, depression, and self-image.[10] Moreover, the message also points to how surgeon general’s warning labels were able to combat tobacco use, in an attempt to establish the efficacy of these warnings.[11] Along with calling for warnings on the platform, the Surgeon General also challenged parents, medical professionals, schools, and companies to all play a role in limiting the adverse effects of social media.[12]

This opinion received a powerful show of support when a coalition of forty-two attorneys general, including North Carolina’s Attorney General Josh Stein, wrote a letter in support of the Surgeon General’s call for a warning on social media platforms.[13] The letter, which was addressed to Speaker of the House Mike Johnson, Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, and Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, argues that Congress can take action against the threats of social media and “protect future generations of Americans.”[14]

The letter explains that social media is contributing to a “mental health crisis” in children and teenagers.[15] This language makes clear the urgency with which the writers believe the issue needs to be addressed. More specifically, the letter takes issue with “algorithm-driven social media platforms,” and reinforces many of the concerns presented in the Surgeon General’s New York Times opinion.[16] Previous legislation and legal action taken by both state legislatures and State Attorneys General are highlighted, as well as ongoing state investigations and litigation against the social media powerhouse TikTok.[17]  However, it is contended that “this ubiquitous problem requires federal action.”[18] According to the group, a surgeon general’s warning on social media platforms “would be a consequential step” in addressing this problem.[19] This letter follows legal action taken by a similar coalition of State Attorneys General last fall, where lawsuits were filed against social media giant Meta, alleging that features on Meta’s social media platforms adversely affect children. [20]

One of the more interesting aspects of this letter is the impressively bipartisan nature of the coalition. The alliance of forty-two attorneys general is comprised of differing political ideologies and is spread across the country. The uniqueness of this cooperation is not lost in the letter, which explains that “[a]s State Attorneys General we sometimes disagree about important issues, but all of us share an abiding concern for the safety of the kids in our jurisdiction.”[21] The willingness of officials to work together on combating the adverse effects of social media can also be seen in recent legislation at the federal level. The Kids Online Safety Act, which was proposed by Senator Richard Blumenthal, a Democrat, has been cosponsored by many lawmakers on both sides of the aisle.[22]

It is also worth noting what this letter signals to social media companies. The letter accuses social media companies of being complacent in the crisis by saying the “problem will not solve itself and the social media platforms have demonstrated an unwillingness to fix the problem on their own.”[23] Moreover, with attorneys general making children’s online safety a priority,[24] this letter should serve as a reminder to social media companies that policymakers are unlikely to relent in their pursuit of greater safety measures on social media. 

Future Implications

At this time, it is unclear if Congress will follow the advice given by the Surgeon General and subsequently endorsed by many attorneys general. Similarly, it is also unclear whether these warnings would have any effect on children’s social media usage and the associated health effects.

However, while the viability of a surgeon general’s warning and its actual efficacy cannot yet be known, developments like this show that officials are unlikely to alleviate any of the pressure they have placed on social media companies. Officials calling for these warnings should be interpreted as an escalation against the youth mental health crisis, and consequently social media companies. In short, social media companies should expect further bipartisan action to counteract the negative side effects of social media, and citizens should be prepared that some of their favorite platforms may soon carry a warning about the potential health effects of scrolling.


[1]See Belle Wong, Top Social Media Statistics and Trends of 2024, Forbes Advisor,  https://www.forbes.com/advisor/business/social-media-statistics/ (May 18, 2023, 2:09 PM).

[2] Id.

[3] See Murthy v. Missouri, 144 S. Ct. 1972 (2024).

[4] See Social Media and Children 2024 Legislation, National Conference of State Legislatures, https://www.ncsl.org/technology-and-communication/social-media-and-children-2024-legislation (June 14, 2024).

[5] See Stephanie Burnett & Helen Coster, Fake U.S. Election-Related Accounts Proliferating on X, Study Says, Reuters (May 24, 2024, 8:31 AM) https://www.reuters.com/world/us/fake-us-election-related-accounts-proliferating-x-study-says-2024-05-24/; U.S. Groups Urge Social Media Companies to Fight ‘Big Lie,’ Election Misinformation, Reuters (May 12, 2022, 10:07 AM), https://www.reuters.com/world/us/us-groups-urge-social-media-companies-fight-big-lie-election-disinformation-2022-05-12/; Tiffany Hsu & Steven Lee Myers & Stuart A. Thompson, Elections and Disinformation Are Colliding Like Never Before in 2024, N.Y. Times, https://www.nytimes.com/2024/01/09/business/media/election-disinformation-2024.html (Jan. 11, 2024).

[6] See Teens and Social Media Use: What’s the Impact?, Mayo Clinic (Jan. 18, 2024), https://www.mayoclinic.org/healthy-lifestyle/tween-and-teen-health/in-depth/teens-and-social-media-use/art-20474437.

[7] See Claire Cain Miller, Everyone Says Social Media is Bad for Teens. Proving it is Another Thing, N.Y. Times: The Upshot (June 17, 2023), https://www.nytimes.com/2023/06/17/upshot/social-media-teen-mental-health.html; Natalie Proulx, Does Social Media Harm Young People’s Mental Health?, N.Y. Times (May 25, 2023) https://www.nytimes.com/2023/05/25/learning/does-social-media-harm-young-peoples-mental-health.html.

[8] Surgeon General Issues New Advisory About Effects Social Media Use Has on Youth Mental Health, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (May 23, 2023), https://www.hhs.gov/about/news/2023/05/23/surgeon-general-issues-new-advisory-about-effects-social-media-use-has-youth-mental-health.html.

[9] See Vivek H. Murthy, Surgeon General: Why I’m Calling for a Warning Label on Social Media Platforms, N.Y. Times (June 17, 2024), https://www.nytimes.com/2024/06/17/opinion/social-media-health-warning.html.

[10] Id.

[11] Id.

[12] Id.

[13] Letter from Rob Bonta, Cal. Att’y Gen., Phil Weiser, Colo. Att’y Gen., Russel Coleman, Ky. Att’y Gen., Lynn Fitch, Miss. Att’y Gen., Matthew J. Platkin, N.J. Att’y Gen., Letitia James, N.Y. Att’y Gen., Jonathan Skrmetti, Tenn. Att’y Gen., Steve Marshall, Ala. Att’y Gen., Fainu’ulelei Falefatu Ala’ilima-Uta, Am. Sam. Att’y Gen., Tim Griffin, Ark. Att’y Gen., William Tong, Conn. Att’y Gen., Kathleen Jennings, Del. Att’y Gen., Brian Schwalb, D.C. Att’y Gen., Ashley Moody, Fla. Att’y Gen., Christopher M. Carr, Ga. Att’y Gen., Anne E. Lopez, Haw. Att’y Gen., Raúl Labrador, Idaho Att’y Gen., Kwame Raoul, Ill. Att’y Gen., Todd Rokita, Ind. Att’y Gen., Aaron M. Frey, Me. Att’y Gen., Anthony G. Brown, Md. Att’y Gen., Andrea Joy Campbell, Mass. Att’y Gen., Dana Nessel, Mich. Att’y Gen., Keith Ellison, Minn. Att’y Gen., Aaron D. Ford, Nev. Att’y Gen., John M. Formella, N.H. Att’y Gen., Raúl Torrez, N.M. Att’y Gen., Josh Stein, N.C. Att’y Gen., Drew H. Wrigley, N.D. Att’y Gen., Gentner Drummond, Okla. Att’y Gen., Ellen F. Rosenblum, Or. Att’y Gen., Michelle Henry, Pa. Att’y Gen., Peter F. Neronha, R.I. Att’y Gen., Alan Wilson, S.C. Att’y Gen., Marty Jackley, S.D. Att’y Gen., Gordon C. Rhea, V.I. Att’y Gen. (Nominee), Sean D. Reyes, Utah Att’y Gen., Charity Clark, Vt. Att’y Gen., Jason S. Miyares, Va. Att’y Gen., Robert W. Ferguson, Wash. Att’y Gen., Joshua L. Kaul, Wis. Att’y Gen., Bridget Hill, Wyo. Att’y Gen., to Mike Johnson, Speaker of the House, Chuck Schumer, Senate Majority Leader, Mitch McConnel, Senate Minority Leader (Sept. 9, 2024) (on file with the National Association of Attorneys General).

[14] Id.

[15] Id.

[16] Id.

[17] Id.

[18] Id.

[19] Id.

[20] See Barbara Ortutay, States Sue Meta Claiming its Social Platforms are Addictive and Harm Children’s Mental Health, Associated Press https://apnews.com/article/instagram-facebook-children-teens-harms-lawsuit-attorney-general-1805492a38f7cee111cbb865cc786c28 (Oct. 24, 2023); Cristiano Lima-Strong & Naomi Nix, 41 States Sue Meta, Claiming Instagram, Facebook are Addictive, Harm Kids, Washington Post, https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2023/10/24/meta-lawsuit-facebook-instagram-children-mental-health/ (Oct. 24, 2024, 3:25 PM).

[21] Letter from Rob Bonta et. al. to Mike Johnson et. al., supra note 13.

[22] The Kids Online Safety Act, S. 1409, 118th Cong. (2023).

[23] Letter from Rob Bonta et. al. to Mike Johnson et. al., supra note 13.

[24] Attorney General Josh Stein Urges Congress to Require Warning on Social Media Platforms, N.C. Department of Justice (Sept. 11, 2024), https://ncdoj.gov/attorney-general-josh-stein-urges-congress-to-require-warning-on-social-media-platforms/; see Ortutay, supra note 20.

 

Anna Duong-Harrison

History

            In 1873, Congress passed the Act for the Suppression of Trade in, and Circulation of, Obscene Articles of Immoral Use––the colloquial Comstock Act.[1] This Act criminalized the circulation of contraceptives and birth control-related information through the mail, including medical textbooks and magazines.[2] Even instruments that could be used to perform abortions were considered obscene.[3] The Act also forbade the sale of contraceptives across state lines.[4] The guilty recipients of these so-called “obscene” materials faced up to ten years in prison.[5] Twenty-four states quickly followed the federal government’s lead with their own Comstock laws.[6]

Anthony Comstock, a Christian zealot, inspired this wave of broad, unforgiving legislation.[7] After successfully lobbying Congress to pass the Act, Comstock regularly scoured New York City for people to arrest.[8] Equipped with funds from the New York Society for the Suppression of Vice, Comstock contributed to the arrest of hundreds of people, including prominent women’s rights advocates.[9] Comstock and others’ “campaign against obscenity” reflected fears that contraception and related materials may scandalize their children, promote immorality, and disincentivize marriage.[10]

Even though critics challenged the constitutionality of Comstock laws, the Supreme Court staunchly held that the First Amendment did not protect obscenity.[11] However, by the early 1900s, judicial enforcement of Comstock laws tapered off as courts recognized the challenges of applying such a broad statute.[12] For example, in U.S. v. One Package, the Second Circuit held the Act inapplicable to mailed contraceptive materials if the intended purpose was not “unlawful.”[13] The court reasoned that even though the legislators intended “unlawful” to be synonymous with “abortion” in the Act, modern changes in medicine required a new interpretation of the term to mean unlawful abortions.[14] Then, in 1972, the Supreme Court finally answered the hotly debated question of how to define obscenity, which further narrowed qualifying materials under the Act.[15] Finally, two hallmark Supreme Court cases, Griswold v. Connecticut and Roe v. Wade essentially rendered the Act null, since both contraception and abortion became legal.[16]

Can a Literal Interpretation of The Comstock Act Impact Abortion Care in North Carolina?

The strict nature of the original 1873 Comstock Act eventually morphed into today’s 18 U.S.C. §§ 1461 and 1462.[17] These statutes prohibit the mailing and importation of “any drug, medicine, article, or thing designed, adapted, or intended for producing abortion.”[18] As legal scholars have noted, the Supreme Court’s decision to remove the constitutional right to abortion in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization has potentially harkened a return of the Comstock Act.[19]

A literal interpretation of the Comstock Act could restrict FDA approval of mifepristone and misoprostol and arm the Department of Justice (DOJ) with more discretion under a conservative administration.[20] A literal interpretation of the Comstock Act would prohibit the mailing of any items related to abortion, regardless of sender intent.[21] This means FDA approved mifepristone and misoprostol would be inaccessible to doctors, even in states where abortion is legal.[22] The breadth of the Act could even limit the mailing of medical instruments like dilators, gloves, and speculums, which are used in a variety of obstetric procedures, including abortions.[23]

While some may view this application of the Comstock Act as reactive political rhetoric, five cities have already passed local ordinances that criminalize the shipping and receiving of abortion medications under §§ 1461 and 1462.[24] In recent oral arguments, Supreme Court Justices Clarence Thomas and Samuel Alito asked attorneys if the FDA violated the Comstock Act by approving mifepristone and misoprostol.[25] By raising this issue, the Justices signaled an openness to revive a legal relic. Republican Vice-presidential candidate J.D. Vance has also voiced his direct support for enforcing the Comstock Act.[26] In January 2023, Vance joined a group of legislators in a letter to the DOJ urging it to apply the Comstock Act to mailed abortion pills, which are also used for miscarriage healthcare.[27] The letter echoed Vance’s shared position that the Act had been misinterpreted and misapplied by the federal government.[28] Thus, it is not far-reaching to wonder if the Act will make a reappearance under a Trump/Vance administration.

Conclusion

Ultimately, it would take a literal interpretation of the Comstock Act by both the DOJ and the Supreme Court to reach North Carolina. To do so, the Act would have to restrict FDA approval of mifepristone and misoprostol, receive DOJ support, and find Supreme Court backing. It is more likely that a reemergence of the Act would impact access to mailed abortion medication in states where abortion is illegal. Yet, the possibility of the Act reaching North Carolina is not implausible, and the possibility of the Comstock Act’s revival from relic to reality may be looming in the near future.


[1] David Schultz & John R. Vile, The Encyclopedia of Civil Liberties in America, 87–88 (Taylor & Francis Group, 2005).

[2] Id. at 88; Mabel Felix, et al., The Comstock Act: Implications for Abortion Care Nationwide, Kaiser Family Found. (Apr. 15, 2024), https://www.kff.org/womens-health-policy/issue-brief/the-comstock-act-implications-for-abortion-care-nationwide/.

[3] Id.

[4] Id.

[5] See id.

[6] Anthony Comstock’s “Chastity” Laws, The Pill, https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/pill-anthony-comstocks-chastity-laws/#:~:text=Anthony%20Comstock%20was%20jubilant%20over,trade%20on%20a%20state%20level.&text=New%20England%20residents%20lived%20under%20the%20most%20restrictive%20laws%20in%20the%20country.

[7] See id.

[8] See Schultz, supra note 1, at 207.

[9] Id.

[10] Schultz, supra note 1, at 208.

[11] See id.

[12] See id. at 14–40.

[13] See United States v. One Package, 86 F.2d 737, 739 (2d Cir. 1936).

[14] See id. at 739–40.

[15] See Miller v. California, 413 U.S. 15, 24 (1973) (limiting obscene material to the confines of a strict three-part test).

[16] Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S. 479, 485 (1965); Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113, 165 (1973).

[17] See Ebba Brunnstrom, Abortion and the Mails: Challenging the Applicability of the Comstock Act Laws Post-Dobbs, 55 Colum. Human Rights L. Rev. 1, 3 (2024).

[18] 18 U.S.C. §§1461–62.

[19] See supra, note 17.

[20] E.g.,Felix, supra note 2.

[21] See id.

[22] Annalies Winny, The Threat to Abortion Rights You Haven’t Heard Of, Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health (May 31, 2024), https://publichealth.jhu.edu/2024/how-the-comstock-act-threatens-abortion-rights.

[23] See supra, note 2.

[24] Id.

[25] See transcript of Oral Argument at 26–91, FDA v. All. for Hippocratic Med., 144 S. Ct. 1540 (2024).

[26] Alison Durkee, JD Vance and Project 2025 Want to Use This 19th Century Law to Ban Abortion Without Congress, Forbes (Jul. 18, 2024), https://www.forbes.com/sites/alisondurkee/2024/07/18/jd-vance-and-project-2025-want-to-use-this-19th-century-law-to-ban-abortion-without-congress/.

[27] Letter from J.D. Vance, et al., U.S. S. to Hon. Merrick B. Garland, Att’y Gen. (Jan. 25, 2023), https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/24834197-20230123-letter-on-comstock-to-doj.

[28] See id.

By Clay Shupak

State constitutions are not replicas of the United States Constitution: they are independent guarantors of liberty.  The North Carolina Supreme Court will soon decide two cases that could increase protections for economic liberty across the state, Singleton v. North Carolina Department of Health and Human Services[1] and Kinsley v. Ace Speedway Racing Ltd.[2]  Litigants in both cases have asserted rights under the Fruits of Their Labor Clause[3]—a unique provision of the North Carolina Constitution with no direct counterpart in the United States Constitution.[4]  The Court now faces a choice between lockstepping[5] with federal jurisprudence or returning to an interpretation of the clause that offers more robust protections for economic liberty.  The justices seem inclined not to give the Fruits of Their Labor Clause short shrift.[6]

The Fruits of Their Labor Clause

The Fruits of Their Labor Clause was added to the North Carolina Constitution during Reconstruction.[7]  The clause resides in the constitution’s Declaration of Rights between words lifted directly from the Declaration of Independence.[8]  The full provision states the “self-evident” truth that “all persons are created equal” and possess “inalienable rights” to “life, liberty, the enjoyment of the fruits of their own labor, and the pursuit of happiness.”[9]  Americans at the time would have viewed the clause as the recognition of an already existing right rather than the creation of a new right from whole cloth. [10]      

The drafters of the 1868 Constitution added the Fruits of Their Labor Clause as an anti-slavery provision.[11]  Steeped in Lockean natural rights theory,[12] the drafters believed that a special evil of slavery was that “another man” got “to hold and enjoy the fruits of [the slave’s] labor.”[13]  They feared that simply applying the Bill of Rights to the states would not be enough to secure the “civil and political rights” of freed Blacks.[14]  Thus, the drafters decided that safeguarding the right of all people to earn an honest living would require constitutional protection.[15]  By adding the Fruits of Their Labor Clause, the drafters sought to bring North Carolina’s Constitution into closer alignment with the natural law by securing rights omitted from the federal constitution.[16]

In its early years, the Fruits of Their Labor Clause was invoked to limited effect.[17]  Starting in 1940, however, plaintiffs wielded the clause to void laws that arbitrarily excluded citizens from working in their occupation of choice.[18]  During this time, courts took a “more aggressive” approach towards the clause, applying a higher level of scrutiny than rational basis review.[19]  But, by the second half of the twentieth century, affinity for the clause waned.[20]  In Treants Enterprises, Inc. v. Onslow County,[21] the North Carolina Supreme Court applied vanilla rational basis review to a challenge brought under the clause.[22]  Ever since, courts in North Carolina have followed Treants Enterprises’s approach.[23]

The Cases Pending Review at the North Carolina Supreme Court

The Court’s current approach to the Fruits of Their Labor Clause may soon change.  In Singleton and Ace Speedway, litigants and their amici have asked the Court to consider whether rational basis review is the appropriate test for the Fruits of Their Labor Clause.[24]  The cases arrive to the Court on a motion to dismiss for failure to state a claim.  Both involve a challenge to public health laws.[25]  The challengers argue that rational basis review flies in the face of history and common sense.[26]  They contend that the Court’s current approach to the clause simply “mirrors the most deferential form of federal review,” allowing the government to prevail on flimsy rational justifications where factual inquiry is wholly optional.[27]  The government, on the other hand, argues that the Fruits of Their Labor Clause was “never understood to prevent the government from regulating businesses to promote public welfare.”[28]  Instead, according to the state, the clause was originally understood solely “as a condemnation of slavery.”[29]  The state contends that a highly deferential approach is necessary to avoid harm to public health and safety.[30]

The facts of Singleton and Ace Speedway illustrate the stakes of the debate.  In Singleton, the plaintiff is an ophthalmologist who runs a medical practice in the rural community of New Bern.[31]  Under North Carolina’s certificate of need laws, a physician must obtain an operating room permit from the North Carolina Department of Health and Human Services before they can perform certain medical procedures.[32]  The plaintiff is bringing an as-applied challenge to North Carolina’s certificate of needs laws on grounds that they limit competition rather than promoting public health.[33]  Currently, he must drive to the only certified hospital in a three-county radius to perform routine eye surgeries that could be safely performed at his office.[34]  The hospital charges fees that increase the cost of surgery by thousands of dollars.[35]

By contrast, in Ace Speedway, the defendant is a NASCAR racetrack that is challenging a shut-down order issued by state health officials during height of the COVID-19 pandemic. [36]  The defendant contends that the shut-down order was issued in retaliation for the speedway owner’s public criticism of Governor Roy Cooper’s response to the pandemic.[37]  It points to nearby racetracks that were not ordered to shut down.[38]  And it contends that the government-mandated shut down infringed upon the right to earn a living.[39]  Interestingly, the ACLU and the Institute for Justice, advocates on opposite ends of the political spectrum, have filed briefs in support of the plaintiff.[40]

Implications: A Right with New Bite

A victory for the government challengers in either case could have significant ramifications for peoples’ economic liberties in North Carolina.  If the Court rejects the government’s argument for rational basis review, the Fruits of Their Labor Clause would gain new teeth.  Government regulations that burden a citizen’s right to earn a living would be subject to increased scrutiny.  The first domino to fall may be occupational licensing regulations that can show no benefit to public health, safety, or welfare.[41]  In the long run, a more muscular approach to the Fruits of Their Labor Clause may remove unnecessary hurdles to entering the work force,[42] promote the formation of small businesses,[43] and make goods and services cheaper for North Carolinians.[44]  What is more, the move would affirm a core tenant of American federalism.  As Justice Brennan observed, “the full realization of our liberties cannot be guaranteed”[45] if state constitutions do not function as independent bulwarks of liberty, distinct from the federal constitution.


[1] 876 S.E.2d 563 (N.C. 2022) (No. 260P22-1) (order granting review).

[2] 883 S.E.2d 455 (N.C. 2022) (No. 280PA22) (order granting review).

[3] N.C. Const., art. I, § 1.

[4] The plaintiff in Singleton is not asserting a claim directly under The Fruits of Their Labor Clause.  Instead, there, the plaintiff states a claim directly under North Carolina’s due process provision, the Law of the Land Clause.  See N.C. Const., art. I, § 19.  Nevertheless, as the plaintiff in Singleton states in an amicus brief filed in Ace Speedway, the Fruits of Their Labor Clause and the Law of the Land Clause protect one and the same right—the right to earn an honest living.  Brief of Dr. Jay Singleton as Amici Curiae Supporting Plaintiff-Appellee at 2, Kinsley v. Ace Speedway Racing, Ltd., No. 260P22-1 (N.C. June 2, 2023), 2023 WL 4028053 [hereinafter I.J.’s Amicus Brief Supporting Ace Speedway].  Indeed, as North Carolina Supreme Court Justice Richard Dietz observed in a recent law review article, courts “often lump” the clauses together and “resolve them in the same analysis.”  Richard Dietz, Factories of Generic Constitutionalism, 14 Elon L. Rev. 1, 21, 29 (2022).

[5] For a discussion of why state constitutional law often moves in lockstep with federal jurisprudence and why it sometimes departs, see Jeffery S. Sutton, 51 Imperfect Solutions: States and the Making of American Constitutional Law 7–27 (2008).  

[6] At oral argument, concerns about restricting economic activity took center stage, with several justices questioning whether the government’s preferred reading of the North Carolina Constitution was protective enough.  See, e.g., Oral Argument at 8:28, Kinsley v. Ace Speedway Racing, Ltd., No. 260P22-1 (Nov. 7, 2023), https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iEOWwyUnPZU.

[7] John V. Orth & Paul Martin Newby, The North Carolina State Constitution 47 (2d ed., 2013).

[8] Id.; The Declaration of Independence para. 2 (U.S. 1776) (“We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.”).

[9] N.C. Const., art. 1, § 1 (emphasis added).

[10]Jud Campbell, Constitutional Rights Before Realism, 2020 U. Ill. L. Rev. 1433,1434–35, 1443 (2020). This understanding of rights carried forward into the twentieth century. See State v. Hay, 126 N.C. 999, 999 (N.C. 1900) (Douglas, J., Concurring) (explaining that Article I, Section 1 of the North Carolina Constitution “does not profess to confer these rights, but recognizes them as pre–existing and inherent in the individual by ‘right divine.’”).

[11] Richard Dietz, supra note 4, at 19–20; see also Joseph Ranney, A Fool’s Errand? Legal Legacies of Reconstruction in Two Southern States, 9 Tex. Wesleyan L. Rev. 1, 17 (2002). (discussing how “North Carolina . . . regulated black labor” during Reconstruction by “focus[ing] on apprenticeship laws.”).

[12] Locke’s famous labor theory of property is laid out in his Second Treatise on Government. See John Locke, Two Treatises on Government 305–06 (Peter Laslett ed., Cambridge Univ. Press 1988) (1690).

[13] Dietz, supra note 4, at 20 (quoting Albion W. Tourgée, An Appeal To Caesar 244 (1884)).

[14] Id.

[15] Id.

[16] Id. at 20–21.

[17] Id. at 21.

[18] State v. Harris, 6 S.E.2d 854, 858 (N.C. 1940).

[19] Dietz, supra note 4, at 21.

[20] See e.g., State v. Warren, 114 S.E.2d 660, 663–64 (N.C. 1960) (upholding an occupational licensing regulation for real estate agents).

[21] 360 S.E.2d 783 (N.C. 1987).

[22] Id. at 785.

[23] See, e.g., Tully v. City of Wilmington, 810 S.E.2d 208, 215 (N.C. 2018) (applying the rational basis test).

[24] I.J.’s Amicus Brief Supporting Ace Speedway, supra note 4, at 2 (noting that Kinsley and Singleton both “ask[] the Court to clarify the test that applies under Art. I, §19 when the government restricts the right to earn a living”); Reply Brief for Plaintiffs-Appellants at 2–3, Singleton v. N.C. Dep’t of Health and Human Servs., No. 260PA22 (N.C. Feb. 5, 2024), 2024 WL 635933.

[25] I.J.’s Amicus Brief Supporting Ace Speedway, supra note 4, at 2.

[26] Id. at 11.

[27] Id. at 10.

[28] Brief for Plaintiff-Appellant at 40, Kinsley v. Ace Speedway Racing, Ltd. at 40, No. 260P22-1 (May 3, 2023), 2023 WL 3467853.

[29] Id. at 37.

[30] Id.

[31] Complaint at 1, Singleton v. N.C. Dep’t Health & Human Servs., No. 20 CVS 05150 (N.C. Super. Ct. April 23, 2020), 2020 WL 13064502 [hereinafter Singleton Complaint].

[32] Id. at 26.

[33] Id. at 10.

[34] Id. at 10, 19.

[35] Id. at 1, 14.

[36] Response to Petition for Discretionary Review, Kinsley v. Ace Speedway, Ltd. at 2, No. 260P22-1 (Sept. 6, 2022), 2022 WL 4486857.

[37] Brief for Defendants-Appellees at 38, Kinsley v. Ace Speedway, Ltd. at 38, No. 260P22-1 (June 2, 2023), 2023 WL 4028000.

[38] Id. at 35.

[39] Id. at 22.

[40] I.J.’s Amicus Brief Supporting Ace Speedway, supra note 4, at 2 (emphasizing the violation of Ace Speedway’s right to earn a living); Brief of ACLU of North Carolina Legal Foundation as Amici Curiae Supporting Plaintiff-Appellee at 2, Kinsley v. Ace Speedway Racing, Ltd. No. 280PA22 (June 2, 2023), 2023 WL 4028007 (emphasizing the harm done to Ace Speedway’s free speech rights and the need for government accountability).

[41] Occupational licensing regulations were frequently struck down for violating the Fruits of Their Labor Clause in the recent past. See Dietz, supra note 4, at 21.

[42] Morris M. Kleiner & Evan J. Soltas, A Welfare Analysis of Occupational Licensing in the U.S. States, 90 Rev. Econ. Studs. 2481, 2483–84 (2023) (estimating that licensing an occupation for the first time would eliminate twenty-nine percent of jobs).

[43] Stephen Slivinski, Bootstraps Tangled in Red Tape, Goldwater Inst. (Feb. 10, 2015), https://www.goldwaterinstitute.org/bootstraps-tangled-in-red-tape (last visited Apr. 22, 2024) (discussing the negative impacts of occupational licensing on low-income entrepreneurs).

[44] See, e.g., Singleton Complaint, supra note 31, at 2 (stating that performing cataract surgery in Dr. Singleton’s office instead of the hospital required by certificate of need laws would cut costs from $6,000 to $1,800).

[45]  William J. Brennan Jr., State Constitutions and the Protection of Individual Rights, 90 Harv. L. Rev. 489, 489 (1977).

By Madison Cone

After six years of wild popularity and influence, TikTok’s time in the limelight may be coming to an end as the prominent app faces a potential ban in the United States.[1]  In 2018, the video-sharing platform began its rapid rise to fame as a new and improved version of the formerly popular Music.ly app.[2]  By 2020, TikTok surpassed social media giants like Instagram and Facebook and became the most downloaded app of the year.[3]  In large part, this was due to its unique ability to connect people, share information, and provide comedic relief during a historic health crisis.[4]  Now, the fate of the platform is uncertain after the U.S. House of Representatives voted to approve a bill that requires ByteDance Ltd., TikTok’s parent company, to divest the app within six months or be banned from all U.S. devices.[5]

The primary justification for the proposed legislation is that TikTok’s prevalence in the United States poses a substantial risk to national security.[6]  While anticipating and providing protection against potential national security threats is an essential government function, so is upholding Americans’ constitutional right to free speech. The tension between these two objectives has led to considerable debate among politicians, industry experts, and the general public.[7]

A. The Protecting Americans from Foreign Adversary Controlled Applications Act

At least some of the public panic surrounding the Protecting Americans from Foreign Adversary Controlled Applications Act can be attributed to frequent mischaracterization of the Act as a TikTok ban rather than a potential TikTok ban.[8]  While there is no denying that ByteDance will be caught between a rock and a hard place if the bill becomes a law, the Act does provide an exemption for “a foreign adversary controlled application with respect to which a qualified divestiture is executed”.[9]  This language indicates that if ByteDance opts to sell the application to a permissible third party, the Act will no longer apply and TikTok can remain active in the United States.

In discussing the requirements of the Act and its intended effects, it is worth noting that the bill was approved by an overwhelming majority of the House.[10]  To achieve a vote of 352-65 [11] means that members with otherwise incompatible political views were able to agree on the importance of strengthening national security as it relates to TikTok and its use throughout the United States. Such strong bipartisan support is rare in today’s political climate[12] and perhaps telling of the need for more robust data protection, particularly when foreign entities are involved.

B. National Security Justifications

The government’s purported concerns about data usage and national security may be dissatisfying to some, but they are not without merit. As a technology company based in China, ByteDance is subject to various cybersecurity laws that enable the Chinese government to compel data access and require sensitive user information to be stored and processed in China.[13]  American lawmakers increasingly fear the misuse of user data because of that broad government authority and the excessive data collection allowed for by TikTok’s privacy agreement.[14]  More specifically, the U.S. government worries that China may leverage the data collected by TikTok to conduct influence operations and negatively shape American public opinion.[15]  Unsurprisingly, TikTok denies all allegations that it puts sensitive user data at risk.[16]

Several other countries, including India, Australia, and Canada, have taken similar steps to restrict or outright ban the use of TikTok for reasons of national security.[17]  So, while the security risks associated with TikTok are certainly susceptible to exaggeration, the fact that the United States is not alone in this sentiment helps validate its concerns and corresponding action.

C. Free Speech Concerns

Government attempts to regulate social media tend to be highly controversial because of the centrality of these platforms to modern day expression and free speech. TikTok, in particular, is widely praised for its facilitation of mass communication, information sharing, and advocacy.[18] Accordingly, American users are fiercely defensive of their ability to continue using the app to express themselves and interact with others.[19]

During litigation over state-level attempts to curtail TikTok use, judges have determined that preventing users from posting and consuming content on the app through a ban may very well constitute a violation of the First Amendment.[20]  The high bar that the government would have to overcome to prevail on a First Amendment challenge makes it likely that the law will be blocked if this issue eventually ends up in court.[21]  Nonetheless, promoters of the bill are confident that proposed restrictions on the app’s use do not even trigger First Amendment scrutiny because they regulate only economic transactions based on valid national security concerns.[22]  In other words, because the law affects the company’s ability to sell TikTok in the app store, it is regulation of a commercial activity rather than speech.

Conclusion

The debate over TikTok and its continued use in the United States is rife with competing interests and legal complexity. But for now, the 170 million Americans who regularly use the app can take comfort in the fact that the bill still needs to clear the Senate and make it to the desk of President Biden before the future of TikTok is truly in jeopardy.[23]


[1] See Protecting Americans from Foreign Adversary Controlled Applications Act, H.R. 7521, 118th Cong. (2023-2024).

[2] See Rebecca Fannin, The Strategy Behind TikTok’s Global Rise, Harvard Business Review (Sept. 13, 2019), https://hbr.org/2019/09/the-strategy-behind-tiktoks-global-rise.  

[3] John Koetsier, Here Are The 10 Most Downloaded Apps of 2020, Forbes (Jan. 7, 2021, 12:37 PM), https://www.forbes.com/sites/johnkoetsier/2021/01/07/here-are-the-10-most-downloaded-apps-of-2020/?sh=28ee844c5d1a.

[4] See Under Lockdown, U.S. Teens Turn to TikTok for Life Hacks, Laughs, Reuters (March 26, 2020, 6:16 AM) https://www.reuters.com/article/idUSKBN21D1BX/.

[5] H.R. 7521.

[6] H.R. 7521 (stating “[t]o protect the national security of the United States . . . .”).

[7] See Mike Scarcella, TikTok Bill Sets Up Fight Over Free Speech Protections of U.S. Constitution, Reuters (March 14, 2024, 4:17 PM), https://www.reuters.com/legal/tiktok-bill-sets-up-fight-over-free-speech-protections-us-constitution-2024-03-14/.

[8] See e.g., Hudson Hongo & David Greene, 5 Questions to Ask Before Backing the TikTok Ban, Electronic Frontier Foundation (March 15, 2024), https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2024/03/5-big-unanswered-questions-about-tiktok-bill (referring to the bill as “the TikTok Ban” in the article title contributes to initial public confusion about whether the Act calls for an immediate ban).

[9] H.R. 7521 § 2(c)(1)(A).

[10] Kevin Freking, et al., House Passes a Bill that Could Lead to a TikTok Ban if Chinese Owner Refuses to Sell, AP News (March 13, 2024, 7:56 PM), https://apnews.com/article/tiktok-ban-house-vote-china-national-security-8fa7258fae1a4902d344c9d978d58a37#:~:text=The%20bill%2C%20passed%20by%20a,Chinese%20technology%20firm%20ByteDance%20Ltd.

[11] Id.

[12] See Americans’ Dismal Views of the Nation’s Politics, Pew Research Center (Sept. 19, 2023), https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2023/09/19/americans-dismal-views-of-the-nations-politics/.

[13] Kristen E. Busch, Cong. Rsch. Serv., IN12131, TikTok: Recent Data Privacy and National Security Concerns (2023).

[14] See id.

[15] See id.

[16] Id.

[17] Sapna Maheshwari & Amanda Holpuch, Why the U.S. is Weighing Whether to Ban TikTok, The New York Times (March 12, 2024), https://www.nytimes.com/article/tiktok-ban.html.

[18] See Cristiano Lima-Strong & Drew Harwell, TikTok Users Flood Congress with Calls as Potential Ban Advances, The Washington Post (March 7, 2024, 6:49 PM), https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2024/03/07/tiktok-ban-congress-calls-us/.   

[19] Id.

[20] See Mike Scarcella, TikTok Bill Sets Up Fight Over Free Speech Protections of U.S. Constitution, Reuters (March 14, 2024, 4:17 PM), https://www.reuters.com/legal/tiktok-bill-sets-up-fight-over-free-speech-protections-us-constitution-2024-03-14/.

[21] Id.

[22] Id.

[23] Id.

By Colin Ridgell

While recent headlines have been dominated by the Supreme Court’s issued and pending opinions in cases of perceived political moment,[1] the Court has continued deciding questions that will ultimately have a direct impact on the lives and liberty of far more people than Section Three of the 14th Amendment[2] or Chevron[3] ever will.  While drawing less attention than it merits, the Court’s criminal docket has proven to be the source of widespread­—and often unanimous—agreement.  The Court’s recent decision in McElrath v. Georgia[4] provides a useful example of this trend.

Factual Background

The facts of McElrath case could hardly be more tragic.  On July 12, 2012, then 18-year old Damian McElrath killed his adoptive mother by stabbing her over 50 times.[5]  McElrath had struggled with behavioral and disciplinary issues throughout his childhood.[6]  Only a week before his mother’s death, McElrath had been admitted to a mental health treatment facility and diagnosed with schizophrenia, based, among other things, on his recurrent and long-running delusion that his mother was poisoning his food and drinks.[7]  After killing his mother, McElrath called 911, explained that he had killed his mother because she was poisoning him, and “asked the dispatcher if he was wrong to do that.”[8]

McElrath was charged with malice murder, felony murder, and aggravated assault.[9]  In December 2017, the jury returned a verdict of not guilty by reason of insanity on the malice murder charge but found McElrath guilty but mentally ill of felony murder and aggravated assault.[10]  These verdicts presented a seemingly obvious contradiction:

[T]he jury must have determined that McElrath was legally insane at the time that he stabbed Diane in order to support the finding that he was not guilty of malice murder by reason of insanity.  Nonetheless, the jury went on to find McElrath guilty but mentally ill of felony murder based on the same stabbing—a logical and legal impossibility.[11]

Deemed “repugnant verdicts” under Georgia law,[12] the legal and logical impossibility of the jury’s verdicts opened the door for an incredibly skilled piece of lawyering by McElrath’s attorneys.

The Georgia Decisions

McElrath would make two trips to the Supreme Court of Georgia.  He first challenged his felony murder conviction on the basis of the inconsistent verdicts.[13]  The court agreed, but vacated both the guilty but mentally ill verdict for felony murder and the not guilty by reason of insanity verdict for malice murder.[14] This was the first step in McElrath’s efforts to have both murder charges done away with based on the jury’s verdicts.

When the case returned to the trial court on remand, McElrath unsuccessfully moved to have his case dismissed on double jeopardy grounds.[15]  The Supreme Court of Georgia affirmed the denial of this motion, explaining that, although not guilty verdicts are all but sacrosanct in double jeopardy jurisprudence, when “[v]iewed in context alongside the verdict of guilty but mentally ill . . . the purported acquittal [lost] considerable steam.”[16]  In essence, the court held that vacatur of the repugnant verdicts had left McElrath with a blank slate as far as double jeopardy was concerned.[17]

The Supreme Court’s Decision

The Supreme Court of the United States was resoundingly unconvinced that the mark of acquittal could be so easily wiped away.  In Justice Jackson’s unanimous opinion, the Court reaffirmed that, “[o]nce rendered, a jury’s verdict of acquittal is inviolate.”[18]  The Court rejected Georgia’s argument that state law controlled whether a verdict was an acquittal for double jeopardy purposes,[19] explaining that the dispositive question is whether “there has been ‘any ruling that the prosecution’s proof is insufficient to establish criminal liability for an offense.’”[20]  The reasons for a jury’s verdict of acquittal are final and unquestionable, regardless of the permissibility of that verdict.[21]  Because the jury’s acquittal was accepted by the trial judge, the Supreme Court of Georgia was powerless to vacate it, and therefore the subsequent prosecution of McElrath for felony murder was barred by the Double Jeopardy Clause.[22] 

The Court left for another day, however, the issue of what double jeopardy effect would result from a trial judge’s rejection of inconsistent or repugnant verdicts.[23]  And Justice Alito reiterated the open nature of this question in his brief concurrence.[24] 

McElrath was never likely to be a high-profile case. Although the average American is far more likely to come into contact with the criminal justice system than to have their life permanently altered by the application of the major questions doctrine,[25] the latter cases attract a far greater level of popular attention.[26] It is perhaps unsurprising that so many are convinced that the “high profile” cases at the Court are decided 6-3,[27] when a “high profile” case has been tautologically defined as a case decided on ideological grounds.[28] Hopefully, close observers of the Court’s docket will remember that unanimous and nearly unanimous decisions are the norm rather than the exception.[29]  As important as McElrath is for reinforcing the constitutional limits on double jeopardy, it is equally important as a reminder that things at the Court are working as intended.


[1] See, e.g., Andrew Chung & John Kruzel, Trump wins Colorado ballot disqualification case at US Supreme Court, Reuters (March 4, 2024), https://www.reuters.com/legal/trump-wins-colorado-ballot-disqualification-case-us-supreme-court-2024-03-04/; Adam Liptak, Conservative Justices Appear Skeptical of Agencies’ Regulatory Power, The New York Times (Jan. 17, 2024), https://www.nytimes.com/2024/01/17/us/supreme-court-chevron-case.html.

[2] U.S. Const. amend XIV, § 3.

[3] Chevron, U.S.A., Inc. v. Natural Resources Defense Council, Inc., 467 U.S. 837 (1984).

[4] 144 S. Ct. 651 (2024).

[5] McElrath v. State, 839 S.E.2d 573, 574–75 (Ga. 2020).

[6] Id. at 575.

[7] Id.

[8] Id.

[9] Id. at 574.

[10] Id.

[11] Id. at 580.

[12] Id. at 579 (“This case falls into the category of repugnant verdicts, as the guilty and not guilty verdicts reflect affirmative findings by the jury that are not legally and logically possible of existing simultaneously.”).

[13] Id. at 575.

[14] Id. at 582.

[15] McElrath v. State, 880 S.E.2d 518, 519 (Ga. 2022).

[16] Id. at 521.

[17] See id. at 521–22.

[18] McElrath v. Georgia, 144 S. Ct. 641, 658 (2024).

[19] Id. at 559.

[20] Id. at 660 (quoting Evans v. Michigan, 568 U.S. 313, 318 (2013)).

[21] Id. at 659.

[22] Id. at 660.

[23] See id. at n.4.

[24] Id. at 661 (Alito, J., concurring) (“Nothing that we say today should be understood to express any view about whether a not-guilty verdict that is inconsistent with a verdict on another count and is not accepted by the trial judge constitutes an “acquittal” for double jeopardy purposes.”).

[25] Compare Susannah N. Tapp & Elizabeth J. Davis, Contacts Between Police and the Public, 2020, 1 (U.S. Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics) (2022), with Dr. Adam Feldman, Elites at Cert, Empirical SCOTUS (December 15,2021), https://empiricalscotus.com/2021/12/15/elites-at-cert/#:~:text=While%20attorneys%20working%20on%20cases,cert%20grant%20is%20around%201%25.

[26] See, e.g., Adam Liptak, The Curious Rise of a Supreme Court Doctrine that Threatens Biden’s Agenda, The New York Times (March 6, 2023), https://www.nytimes.com/2023/03/06/us/politics/supreme-court-major-questions-doctrine.html.

[27] See, e.g., Vincent M. Bonventre, 6 to 3: The Impact of the Supreme Court’s Super-Majority, New York State Bar Association (October 31, 2023), https://nysba.org/6-to-3-the-impact-of-the-supreme-courts-conservative-super-majority/.

[28] E.g., Lawrence Hurley & JoElla Carman, Tracking major Supreme Court cases, NBC News (updated June 30, 2023), https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/supreme-court/tracking-major-supreme-court-cases-rcna69594.

[29] Dr. Adam Feldman, Another One Bites the Dust: End of 2022/2023 Supreme Court Term Statistics, Empirical SCOTUS (June 30,2023), https://empiricalscotus.com/2023/06/30/another-one-bites-2022/.

14 Wake Forest L. Rev. Online 20

C. Isaac Hopkin

Introduction

This Note begins with the story of two investment managers. Manager One was an investment manager in Texas who oversaw funds exempt from registration with the Securities and Exchange Commission (“SEC” or the “Commission”).[1] Manager One set up two private investment partnership funds that held about $24 million in assets and had a little over a hundred investors.[2] These funds were described as “hedge-fund like” investments for sophisticated investors.[3] Following the 2008 crash, the funds failed.[4] In 2013, the SEC charged Manager One with fraud.[5] The SEC alleged that Manager One had (1) misrepresented who served as prime broker and as auditor; (2) misrepresented the funds’ investment parameters and safeguards; and (3) overvalued the funds’ assets to generate greater fees.[6] The SEC tried the case in an administrative forum.[7]

In 2014, the SEC administrative law judge (“ALJ”) found Manager One liable.[8] Later, the Commission granted an expedited five-year review before issuing its final order in September 2020.[9] The Commission imposed a monetary penalty of $300,000 on Manager One, ordered his fund to disgorge $685,000 in ill-gotten gains, and barred Manager One from securities activities.[10] Manager One repeatedly requested a jury trial in an Article III court and was repeatedly denied because the SEC, in its sole discretion, chose an administrative proceeding.[11]

Manager Two was also an investment manager in Texas who managed funds exempt from registration.[12] Manager Two set up multiple funds to pursue a hedge-fund-like strategy for sophisticated investors.[13] Following the 2001 crash, the funds collapsed due to a combination of mismanagement and market factors.[14] The SEC charged Manager Two with fraud for overvaluing his funds.[15] The SEC brought the action in federal district court, where the jury found Manager Two liable and imposed a civil penalty of $50,000, a permanent injunction, and a disgorgement of $900,000 of ill-gotten gains.[16]

Why were Manager One and Manager Two treated so differently? The difference is timing. When Manager One was charged, the SEC had to bring all civil enforcement actions against unregistered funds in an Article III court, where the jury right automatically attaches.[17] Unfortunately for Mr. Jarkesy (Manager One), he was charged in 2013 when the SEC had the discretion to choose between an Article III forum or an administrative forum to adjudicate its civil enforcement actions against unregistered funds.[18]

This dramatic shift in the SEC’s power was no accident. In response to the 2008 financial crash, Congress passed the Dodd-Frank Act, giving the SEC sole authority to pursue civil or equitable remedies in either an administrative forum or an Article III court.[19] Nothing limits the SEC’s discretion in this choice.[20] Moreover, the legislative history makes it clear that the SEC’s unbounded discretion was what Congress intended:

This section streamlines the SEC’s existing enforcement authorities by permitting the SEC to seek civil money penalties in cease-and-desist proceedings under Federal securities laws. The section provides appropriate due process protections by making the SEC’s authority in administrative penalty proceedings coextensive with its authority to seek penalties in Federal court. As is the case when a Federal district court imposes a civil penalty in a[n] SEC action, administrative civil money penalties would be subject to review by a Federal appeals court.[21]

As written, this provision puts the Seventh Amendment in the hands of the SEC. The Seventh Amendment protects civil jury trials “in suits at common law.”[22] The Supreme Court has held that when the government is litigating an action in an Article III court that is “analogous to suits at common law,” the Seventh Amendment attaches.[23] So how can the SEC can pursue the same remedies in a district court that requires a jury or in its own administrative courts that do not? The answer lies in the messy public rights exception, which allows the government to litigate in a non-Article III forum and where the Seventh Amendment “poses no independent bar” to non-jury factfinding.[24]

Despite the public rights exception, the SEC’s unfettered discretion is troubling.[25] As the statute stands now, the SEC could theoretically choose to grant one defendant’s Seventh Amendment rights while denying a similar defendant her Seventh Amendment rights.[26] This is the crux of the matter in Jarkesy.[27] When Jarkesy challenged the SEC, saying its discretion was unlawful under the Seventh Amendment, the Fifth Circuit agreed.[28] It found the SEC’s discretion unlawful suffered from two “constitutional defects.”[29] First, the court held that the SEC was not litigating a public right, and thus the Seventh Amendment required a jury trial.[30] Second, the Fifth Circuit held that Congress could not delegate forum choice to the SEC.[31] Both holdings reached the right result, but for the wrong reasons.

This Note analyzes the Fifth Circuit opinion in Jarkesy v. SEC by examining the interplay between administrative adjudication and the Seventh Amendment. Part I first explores the history of the Seventh Amendment and its importance at America’s founding. Next, Part I surveys the evolution of the public rights doctrine, specifically explaining how the public rights doctrine allows Article-III-like fact-finding outside Article III courts. This tension between the Seventh Amendment and public rights serves as the backdrop to the Fifth Circuit’s opinion.

Part II of this Note contends that the Fifth Circuit reached the correct outcome for the wrong reasons. The Fifth Circuit’s first holding was that the SEC’s cause of action was not a public right.[32] But this holding is likely wrong because the cause of action fits well into the Atlas Roofing[33] framework. Second, the Fifth Circuit held that the non-delegation doctrine prevented the SEC from choosing the forum.[34] This second holding defies relevant precedent surrounding the non-delegation doctrine.[35] Even so, the result of Jarkesy was correct. As this Note will explain, the opinion should have focused on how the SEC’s unique power over the forum fails to meet the exclusivity requirement found in Granfinanciera,[36] and thus was not a proper assignment. As a result, Mr. Jarkesy—along with others prosecuted under this statute—should have the right to elect a jury. Put differently, the defendants should control their Seventh Amendment rights, not the SEC. This framework provides an easy out for the Supreme Court, which recently granted certiorari in this case. Indeed, the Granfinanciera exclusive assignment requirement would allow the Court to preserve the administrative adjudication status quo while protecting Seventh Amendment rights. In that world, the Supreme Court could have its cake and eat it too.

I. Background, History, and a Battle of Fundamentals

The Seventh Amendment preserves an individual’s jury right in both common law and statutory civil actions.[37] Even so, when the government brings civil actions, the Seventh Amendment does not attach if the government is litigating a public right in a non-Article III forum.[38] This exception is called the public rights doctrine.[39] When a public right is involved, “the Seventh Amendment poses no independent bar”[40] to a non-Article III adjudication so long as “Congress properly assigns a matter to adjudication in a non-Article III tribunal.”[41] Whether a matter is properly assigned is a two-part inquiry: (1) whether the suit is analogous to one that existed at common law; and if so, (2) whether the government civil action is exempted by the public rights doctrine.[42] If either answer is no, defendants like Jarkesy do not have a Seventh Amendment right in the government’s civil action.

Cases like Jarkesy’s highlight two fundamental but conflicting goals in American law. On one side, the American commitment to a jury trial is as old as the country itself.[43] On the other, our Government prioritizes efficiency by using agencies and other bureaus to provide quick resolutions.[44] Thus, to understand Jarkesy, one must understand the history of the Seventh Amendment and the public rights exception.

A. Juries: The History, the Analysis, and the First Inquiry of Jarkesy
1. The Ancient Origin of Juries

“In Suits at common law . . . the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury, shall be otherwise re-examined in any court of the United States, than according to the rules of the common law.”[45] This is no small thing. Indeed, the Seventh Amendment was “paid for by thousands of years of slow progress and sacrifice of brave people who stood up for liberty.”[46] The concept of a jury dates back as far as ancient Greece,[47] but it did not evolve into the form contemplated by the Seventh Amendment until eighteenth-century England.[48]

In England, before trial by jury, two primary methods existed in judicial factfinding.[49] One method was trial by combat, where God would bring the truth to light.[50] God would do so during the trial by “giving force to the victor’s arms” while the two litigants fought on foot with a baton.[51] This method soon fell out of favor because trial by combat often lead to the death of noblemen whose life could be “otherwise employed.”[52]

The other, similarly dubious, method came in the form of sworn testimony.[53] With sworn testimony, the litigant presented a witness or witnesses, called compurgators, who swore to the litigant’s innocence or guilt.[54] This method was also problematic because many compurgators were chosen for their willingness to lie in exchange for payment.[55] The structure for factfinding in English law was a mixed bag ripe for reform.

The transformation of the English judicial process began with King Henry II.[56] He established professional judges and authorized “recognitors” or juries.[57] These juries resembled a modern grand jury.[58] The jury’s job was to “accuse” rather than to “try”
the cases.[59] Judge Pope, in his article, explained the process:

“Four persons from a vill, under oath, would report matters of public fame to twelve knights, also under oath. The knights were chosen from a larger area known as the hundred or the wapentake. If the twelve agreed, a presentment was made to the sheriff. After accusation came the trial.”[60]

Those indicted by the accusing jury could still be tried in front of a judge with the accusing jury serving as witnesses rather than triers of fact.[61]

Yet the problem of malicious prosecution remained. As a result, those accused of crimes could go before another jury to show that the charge was “procured out of hate and spite.”[62] If the jury found that the prosecution was false or malicious, the case was over.[63] Soon, the role of the second jury transformed from judging the jury to deciding the case itself.[64]

This process began as early as the thirteenth century.[65] The defendant could bring the same case to a second group “composed of men of a higher rank” called an “attainting jury.”[66] If the second jury disagreed with the first jury, the members of the first jury could be subject to imprisonment, forfeiture of lands, denial of credit, and sometimes death.[67] Out of the “attainting jury” system emerged our system of jurors who judge rather than accuse.[68] The attainting jury would consider what evidence was before the original jury and whether the prior jury accused properly on that evidence.[69] The attainting jury could only consider what was before the prior jury and could not draw any information outside the record.[70]

By the sixteenth century, however, the common law replaced this system, and judges gained the authority to grant a new trial rather than being subject to an attainting jury.[71] To do so, judges now had to hear the evidence along with the jury.[72] The jurors who brought the case had to disclose under oath anything they knew about the facts underlying the case.[73] Rather than jurors being the prosecutor and then the attainment jury determining facts, judges now could usurp the fact-finding function if they found the prosecuting jury’s evidence unsatisfactory.[74]

Perhaps poetically, the “critical moment” for the independent jury as we know it came in a trial against William Penn.[75] Penn, the twenty-six-year-old leader of the Quakers, was charged with “disturbing the King’s peace by preaching nonconformist religious views at an outdoor meeting in London.”[76] After hearing the case, four jurors “refused to convict Penn of the most serious charge.”[77] The judge sent the jury back to reach “the proper verdict,” but the jury again refused.[78] After reaching the wrong verdict again, the court sent the jurors back without “meat, drink, fire, or any other accommodation; they had not so much as a chamber-pot, though desired.”[79] Even in these dreadful conditions, the jurors again returned a verdict for Penn.[80] The court accepted the judgment, but the jurors were fined and jailed for contempt of court.[81] These jurors sued for habeas corpus.[82]

Lord Chief Justice Vaughn, in a monumental opinion, established that juries were entitled to reach their decisions independently.[83] Justice Vaughn observed:

[I]f the Judge having heard the evidence . . . shall tell the jury . . . the law is for the plaintiff, or for the defendant, and you are under the pain of fine and imprisonment to find accordingly, . . . every man sees that the jury is but a troublesome delay . . . and therefore the tryals by them may be better abolish’d than continued; which were a strange new-found conclusion, after a tryal so celebrated for many hundreds of years.[84]

This landmark opinion allowed jurors to be charged with facts, and the judge could no longer override those findings.[85]

Thus, by the eighteenth century, the English court system roughly resembled the forum we know it as today.[86] Judges presided over the trial, and jurors drawn from the community would judge the facts of the case.[87] Jurors were selected because they could determine the facts impartially and attorneys could challenge a juror for cause.[88] Witnesses were subject to open court and gave sworn testimony, and judges ruled on objections.[89] Then, jurors were allowed to privately deliberate until they reached their final verdict.[90] Thus, the common law system produced the modern jury system through the slow drag of time.

2. Juries and the Founding

The new independent jury system became “the grand bulwark of [English] liberties.”[91] Blackstone explained that trial by jury is the glory of the English law and “the most transcendent privilege which any subject can enjoy or wish for, that he cannot be affected, either in his property, his liberty, or his person, but by the unanimous consent of twelve of his neighbors and equals.”[92]

The right to a jury gained equal importance in Colonial America as “[it] was the germ of American freedom–the morning star of that liberty which subsequently revolutionized America.”[93] That is because the jury was one of the few protections against British overreach.[94] The colonists did not get to vote for Parliament, but they could make their grievances against the government known through the local jury.[95] The jury became a vehicle of resistance against British oppression, which in turn led to the British government avoiding jury trials.[96] For example, the Stamp Act cases were tried in admiralty courts in London, depriving many Americans of the local jury.[97] The British government’s manipulation of the system outraged the colonists to the point that the deprivation of their jury rights was a chief grievance in the Declaration of Independence.[98]

The jury protected the community from government overreach and served as a check on judges appointed by British officials.[99] In fact, civil juries were so important that the debate over the Bill of Rights was triggered by a casual comment by George Mason, in which he noted that “no provision was yet made for juries in civil cases.”[100] The Pennsylvania Anti-Federalists nearly prevented ratification of the Constitution because they believed the Federalists were attempting to abolish civil juries.[101] When the Federalists promised the Bill of Rights to assuage the Anti-Federalists concerns, seven of the states proposed amendments including the protection of the civil jury right.[102]

Yet, despite its apparent importance, little is known about the original purpose of the Seventh Amendment.[103] From the contextual history, a general guarantee of the civil jury was widely desired, but there was “no consensus on the precise extent of its power.”[104] For example, during the Constitutional Convention on September 15, 1787, a motion was made by General Thomas Pinckney and Elbridge Gerry to add the following to Article III: “And a trial by jury shall be preserved as usual in civil cases.”[105] Nathaniel Gorham responded to the motion, “The constitution of Juries is different in different States and trial itself is usual in different cases in different states.”[106] The motion was rejected and the convention ended without a guarantee of a civil jury trial.[107]

Even less is known about the debate surrounding the current language of the Seventh Amendment.[108] Madison originally proposed the language from the Virginia ratification convention, “In suits at common law, between man and man, the trial by jury, as one of the best securities to the rights of the people, ought to remain inviolate.”[109] The house committee then revised this language to say, “In suits at common law, the right of the trial by jury shall be preserved.”[110] The house passed the committee version without discussion.[111] The Senate then added, “where consideration exceeds twenty dollars.”[112] The record is sparse after that, but the Seventh Amendment was passed with little debate and ratified later on.[113] This Amendment—that inspired a revolution, that sparked the bill of rights, that was considered “the germ of American freedom–the morning star of that liberty”[114]—provides little light to those invoking it today.

3. Seventh Amendment Analysis

In cases like Jarkesy, Seventh Amendment history is an important prong that decides whether the trial can be held in an administrative forum or must be held in an Article III forum.[115] To determine whether a plaintiff is entitled to a jury, a court first evaluates whether the litigant has a Seventh Amendment right per Tull v. United States.[116]

To determine whether the Seventh Amendment applies, courts examine if the cause of action is “analogous to suits at common law” as existed at the time of the Seventh Amendment.[117] In Tull, the Court determined whether the Seventh Amendment applied against the government when it imposed a civil fine for violating the Clean Water Act.[118] The Supreme Court held that Tull was entitled to a jury trial because the action was analogous to the common law action of debt brought before juries in England.[119] In reaching its holding, the Court reasoned that common law extended not only to common-law actions—such as torts, contracts, or fraud—but also to claims created by congressional action.[120]

Following Tull, courts evaluate (1) the nature of the action and (2) the remedy sought.[121] If the nature of the statute and its remedy are analogous to actions and remedies that existed in eighteenth century England, then the Seventh Amendment attaches.[122] That said, in making this analysis, courts prioritize the nature of relief over the cause of action itself.[123] Thus, if the remedy is similar to one that at the time of the ratification of the Seventh Amendment would have been sought in a court of law rather than a court of equity, then the action is subject to a jury.[124]

4. Jarkesy’s Seventh Amendment Rights

Jarkesy is not William Penn, but his desire to pursue his right to an independent jury is understandable. It is even more understandable when a litigant sees the SEC’s astonishing win rate in administrative proceedings. According to the Wall Street Journal, the SEC won ninety percent of contested cases before an administrative law judge, compared to its sixty-nine percent success rate in federal court over the same time frame.[125]

This disparity is especially relevant because the SEC uses the administrative forum much more often than Article III courts.[126] A litigant such as Jarkesy faces three potential SEC actions: (1) actions against brokers, (2) actions for reporting or accounting, or (3) actions against investment advisors. The SEC brought ninety percent of actions against brokers, eighty-four percent of actions for reporting or accounting, and seventy-four percent of actions against investment advisors in an administrative forum rather than an Article III court.[127] Anyone subject to the SEC’s enforcement could understandably feel like a litigant in Eighteenth century England where “every man sees that the jury is but a troublesome delay” rather than a “new-found conclusion, after a tryal so celebrated for hundreds of years.”[128]

B. The Public Rights Doctrine: History, Confusion, and the Second Inquiry of Jarkesy

In cases such as Jarkesy’s, the public rights doctrine is the greatest difference between an Article III forum, which carries a Seventh Amendment right, or an administrative proceeding, which is exempt from many Article III procedures. A public right is a government action related to an executive or legislative power.[129] In essence, public rights allow the government to litigate civil matters because it is enforcing them on behalf of the public. Consider securities laws. In response to the Great Depression and the stock market crash that precipitated it, Congress passed laws that allowed the government to initiate civil actions against bad actors.[130] Unlike every-day common law actions where the SEC initiates an enforcement action under securities law, the SEC is not validating the rights of a particular individual or itself, rather the SEC litigates on behalf of the public.[131] In those cases, the SEC is enforcing a public right. So long as a matter is a public right, Congress may properly assign it to a non-Article III forum, exempt from the Seventh Amendment.[132]

The public rights exception emerged before the twentieth century.[133] Yet since the founding, the executive and legislative branches have grown in both size—through new agencies—and scope—by said agencies enforcing civil penalties.[134] Accordingly, the public rights doctrine has had to adapt and change along with those branches to reflect the values that existed at the founding while also recognizing the new reality of a larger and broader federal government. Here, the Note explores the emergence of the public rights doctrine, the transformation into its modern form, and what makes a right public and thus exempt from jury trials.

1. Emergence of the Public Rights Doctrine

The public rights doctrine is supported by two different constitutional rationales: separation of powers and sovereign immunity.[135] Under the separation of powers theory, a public right may be tried in a non-Article III court because those causes of action are an exercise of executive or legislative powers, not judicial power.[136] The broad constitutional grants of power to the legislative and executive branches in Articles I and II of the Constitution necessitate some form of dispute resolution when that power is exercised.[137] When such dispute resolution is required, the public rights doctrine determines whether those branches can create their own fora, or whether such dispute resolutions are subject to the same restrictions constitutionally imposed on the judiciary.[138] Put another way, the public rights doctrine clarifies which actions stemming from Article I and II must be resolved by Article III courts and which actions are legislative or executive in their function and thus exempt from mandatory Article III court procedures.[139] As a result, the cause of action has no place in an Article III branch because the judiciary cannot exercise legislative nor executive power.[140]

The sovereign immunity rational for the public rights doctrine stems from the common law tradition. At common law, an individual was barred from suing the sovereign without its permission and the sovereign rarely (if ever) brought civil suits.[141] But the Article III language implicates many government actions: “All cases . . .[and] controversies to which the United States shall be a Party” are subject to Article III.[142] Thus public rights resolve the incongruence between when Article III applies to the sovereign, Thus, the public rights doctrine resolves the contradiction. If the cause of action is not a public right the sovereign would be subject to Article III litigation; when the cause of action is a public right the sovereign is shielded from Article III courts by the common law tradition of sovereign immunity.[143] Under this rationale, if Article III waives sovereign immunity, then Seventh Amendment protections attach.[144] Otherwise, the common law allows the government to form its own forum of dispute resolution, such as proceedings in front of an administrative law judge. Regardless of the underlying theory, the public rights exception allows the government to litigate on behalf of the public in a civil setting.

The first case to recognize the public rights doctrine was Murray’s Lessee v. Hoboken Land & Improvement Co. (Murray’s Lessee).[145] There, a dispute arose over property ownership where one party took lineal title while the other was a bona fide purchaser from the United States.[146] At issue was a statute that allowed the Treasury Department to issue a lien before it made findings in federal court.[147] The lineal title claimant challenged the statute, arguing that only Article III courts had the power to issue a lien and the Treasury-Department lien on his land was therefore invalid.[148]

The Court disagreed using the sovereign immunity rationale:

[T]here are matters, involving public rights, which may be presented in such form that the judicial power is capable of acting on them, and which are susceptible of judicial determination, but which Congress may or may not bring within the cognizance of the courts of the United States, as it may deem proper.[149]

Put differently, if the government is the owner of the land, it must consent to suit in an Article III court; otherwise, Congress may allow an executive department to grant relief.[150]

Public rights extended as the administrative state grew. In Crowell v. Benson,[151] a commissioner found Benson liable for injuries sustained by one of Benson’s employees as part of the Longshoremen’s and Harbor Workers’ Compensation Act.[152] The employee brought the action in an administrative forum as authorized by the statute, instead of the typical judicial forum, where the commissioner found him liable.[153] Benson challenged the act, arguing that the statute authorizing private suit violated inter alia “provisions of article 3 with respect to the judicial power of the United States.” [154]

The Supreme Court agreed using the public rights rationale. The Court explained that Congress may establish “legislative courts” for matters that “arise between the Government and persons subject to its authority in connection with the performance of the constitutional functions of the executive or legislative departments.”[155] But when matters arise between two private persons “to enforce constitutional rights[,]” Congress’s power to assign the matter is “an untenable assumption.”[156] Put another way, the separation of powers requires that the executive and legislative branches be exempt from Article III restrictions when using their powers because “functions of the executive or legislative departments” are not judicial powers. By comparison, when the matters relate to a judicial power, here maritime jurisdiction, such a matter cannot be assigned outside of Article III courts.

2. The Expansion of Public Rights to Reflect the Modern Administrative State

The drafters of the Seventh Amendment and Article III did not contemplate a world in which the government would try common law actions.[157] At the founding, litigation between citizens and the State was rare outside of criminal matters.[158] In the civil context, government actions brought in common law courts were mostly contractual disputes.[159] Thus, the language of the Seventh Amendment and Article III do not contemplate actions like Jarkesy where the government brings an action analogous to a common law fraud claim.[160]

The Court addressed the increasing divergence between historic practices and the modern government in Atlas Roofing Co. v. Occupational Safety & Health Review Commission.[161] In Atlas Roofing, the company challenged the administrative proceeding against it, arguing that conducting the action in an administrative forum deprived the company of its Seventh Amendment right because the proceeding involved a common-law claim.[162] The Court rejected this argument, explaining that OSHA had litigated a public right and therefore did not require a jury trial.[163] The Court held that when Congress creates a new statutory public right, Congress may assign the adjudication of that right to an administrative agency.[164] “The distinction is between cases of private right and those which arise between the government and persons subject to its authority in connection with the performance of the constitutional functions of the executive or legislative function.”[165] The Court’s holding consolidated both the separation of powers and sovereign immunity rationales by requiring the government to be a named party and Congress to create “a new cause of action unknown to the common law” for the public right doctrine to apply.

But in later holdings, the Court held that the first condition of Atlas Roofing, which required that the government be a party to the suit, was no longer necessary for a right to be deemed a public right. In Thomas v. Union Carbide Agricultural Products Co.,[166] the Court examined “whether Article III of the Constitution prohibit[ed] Congress from selecting binding arbitration . . . as the mechanism for resolving disputes among participates in FIFRA’s pesticide registration scheme.”[167] The Court found that it did not because the matter was a public right and thus exempt from Article III.[168] The majority explained that Congress may choose “quasi-judicial methods of resolving matters” when those matters concern “an integral part of a [Congressional] program.”[169] Put differently, the focus is on substance rather than form.[170] This case returned the Court to the separation of powers rationale where a matter became a public right when it was an exercise of Congressional power.[171] Thus, as the doctrine stands today, a matter becomes a public right when it concerns an exercise of legislative or executive power; when the matter becomes a public right, the matter can be assigned to a non-Article III forum.

In sum, the distinction between a public right and a private right is whether the right is “integrally related to a particular federal government action.”[172] If it relates to an executive or legislative function, then the right is public.[173] If a party is litigating a public right, then the Seventh Amendment “poses no independent bar to the adjudication of that action by a nonjury factfinder.”[174] Simple, right?

Yet scholars and courts agree that determining what a public right is creates a procedural and judicial mess.[175] This mess is apparent in Jarkesy.[176] On one hand, the action involves the government acting in its sovereign capacity to enforce securities law.[177] On the other hand, this action is eerily similar to the action in Tull where an administrative agency was enforcing a civil penalty based on a common law cause of action.[178] This tension is at the heart of both the public rights doctrine and Jarkesy itself.

3. Separation of Powers Analysis and Jarkesy

Typically, administrative adjudication does not trigger the Seventh Amendment because it enforces public rights assigned to non-Article III forums.[179] Accordingly, when Congress properly assigns such a matter to an agency, then no jury right attaches.[180] Congress may properly assign the matter when no Article III powers are implicated.[181] Agency adjudications do not exercise Article III powers and are thus properly assigned in three instances:

(1) those where there is no deprivation of life, liberty, or property; (2) those deprivations that nonetheless satisfy due process such as in Murray’s Lessee; and (3) those where the agency exercises no power at all, because it serves as a judicial adjunct.[182]

Under the first type of case where there is not a deprivation, non-Article III adjudication is permissible because there is no due process concern. For example, when the government issues a benefit and then revokes that benefit, such an action would not—absent unusual circumstances—be subject to a to an Article III court because there is no deprivation involved.[183] The Fifth Circuit found that this type of exemption is not the type in Jarkesy’s suit because he was subject to a civil penalty—i.e., a deprivation of property.[184]

The second framework is permitted even in cases of deprivation where due process and fair procedures are present.[185] For example, in Murray’s Lessee, the litigant was only subject to a temporary lien that he could later contest in court.[186] Congress could properly allow the executive to issue a lien because it was temporary “until a decision should be made by the court.”[187] Consequently, any deprivation in life, liberty, and property without adjudication in the courts was minimal. By contrast, Jarkesy is not concerned with mere temporary deprivation. In fact, Jarkesy was barred from his chosen profession of securities trading for years until the final adjudication took place.[188] The deprivation, while potentially subject to review, has been far too punitive for far too long to qualify for the Murray’s Lessee exception.

The third category—the one that likely fits best in Jarkesy—allows non-Article III adjudication when the agency is not responsible for the exercise of judicial or executive powers.[189] For example, in Crowell, administrative agencies could participate in factfinding because the source of the power was “determin[ing] various matters arising between the government and others, which from their nature do not require judicial determination.”[190] When the government is bringing a case analogous to common law fraud, this power has been called a “replacement right.”[191] A “replacement right” refers to when Congress substitutes an existing common law remedy with an administrative one and assigns the right’s adjudication to a non-Article III forum.[192]

This description best fits with Jarkesy because the SEC’s action against him was subject to Article III authority until the Dodd-Frank Act.[193] Following the Dodd-Frank Act, the SEC now has the power to exercise its replacement right selectively,[194] so the jury right attaches only when the SEC chooses to bring the action in an Article III court.[195] Therefore, like in Crowell, it is a public right because the SEC is vindicating the public interest.

Yet replacement rights create separation of powers issues because Congress is supplanting existing judicial authority.[196] Indeed, to do so, the legislation must be an exercise of legislative or executive power. This is especially unique in a case such as Jarkesy, in which the SEC sometimes chooses to bring the case within Article III powers and other times exercises its own adjudication powers. This is where the heart of the matter lies in Jarkesy—what power is the SEC exercising when trying the suit in its own forum?

II. How the Supreme Court Can Have Its Cake and Eat It Too: The Fifth Circuit Was Right in Jarkesy but for the Wrong Reasons

Jarkesy’s reasoning “cuts against [] Supreme Court precedent on the applicability of the Seventh Amendment to agency proceedings involving ‘public rights.’”[197] The question presented to the panel was whether Jarkesy had the right to a jury trial in the SEC’s proceeding against him.[198] The Fifth Circuit held that Jarkesy was entitled to a jury because the SEC was not litigating a public right, or, alternatively, Congress had violated the non-delegation doctrine by allowing the SEC to choose its forum.[199]

The opinion focused on whether the statutory cause of action was a public right.[200]This inquiry assessed “whether Congress may assign” the matter to a non-Article III forum.[201] As explained below, [202] Congress could assign it to the SEC because it likely was a public right. Instead, the panel should have focused on the other aspect of Granfinanciera which asks “whether Congress . . . has assigned resolution of the relevant claim to a non-Article III adjudicative body.”[203]

Despite the cause of action implicating a public right, Congress did not properly assign it to the SEC. Under Granfinanciera, “[u]nless Congress may and has permissibly withdrawn jurisdiction over that action by courts of law and assigned it exclusively to non-Article III tribunals sitting without juries, the Seventh Amendment guarantees petitioners a jury trial upon request.”[204] By allowing the SEC discretion to pick a forum with or without a jury, Congress has not satisfied Granfinanciera because it has not exclusively assigned the action to a non-article III tribunal. Consequently, without proper assignment, the action is subject to Article III protections.[205]

This sets up a simple solution for the Supreme Court. At minimum, a defendant should have the same right to invoke Article III as the SEC. Granfinanciera provides the way. By finding that Jarkesy is entitled to a jury because the action was not “exclusively assigned,” the Court can allow Jarkesy his Seventh Amendment rights without undermining the entirety of administrative adjudication. Rather, administrative adjudication would maintain its status quo because Atlas Roofing and Granfinanciera remain unchanged. By this narrow ruling, the Court can have its cake, maintaining a complex administrative structure, and eat it too, strengthening Seventh Amendment rights.

A. The Jarkesy Framework

In this Subpart, the Note explains what the Fifth Circuit’s relevant holdings were and why they were not right in light of Granfinanciera, Atlas Roofing, etc. This Subpart is split into the two major portions of the opinion: first the public rights framework and second the non-delegation framework. These portions of the opinion were alternative holdings about Jarkesy’s right to a jury trial.

1. Public Rights Framework: Part I of the Opinion

The first holding in the Fifth Circuit Opinion was that the SEC was not litigating a public right and thus Jarkesy was entitled to a jury.[206] Courts answer two questions to determine whether an administrative litigant is entitled to a jury: first whether the cause of action existed at common law under the Seventh Amendment, and second whether the cause of action is a public right.[207] In this case, it is not disputed that the first inquiry is met. The SEC’s civil penalty is just like the civil penalty evaluated in Tull––an action at debt.[208] For the second inquiry, determination of whether public rights are implicated, the court considers: (1) whether “Congress ‘creat[ed] a new cause of action, and remedies therefor[e], unknown to the common law,’ because traditional rights and remedies were inadequate to cope with a manifest public problem;” and (2) whether jury trials would “go far to impede swift resolution of the matter.”[209]

The Fifth Circuit’s analysis under the first prong is questionable given current caselaw. The panel held that the SEC was not litigating a public right because the action was analogous to common law fraud.[210] But this contradicts Atlas Roofing, which found that a tort like action without damages is “unknown to the common law.”[211] To distinguish Atlas Roofing, the majority explained that “OSHA empowered the government to pursue civil penalties and abatement orders whether or not any employees were ‘actually injured’ . . . .”[212] The court continued, “The government’s right to relief was exclusively a creature of statute and therefore was distinctly public in nature.”[213] The majority then analogized the SEC’s cause of action to common law fraud.[214]

This point is puzzling because the panel proves the SEC’s point. The SEC argued that its fraud claims are unique because the agency need not demonstrate loss.[215] In fact, just like in Atlas Roofing, the SEC’s analogous action lacks the damages component.[216] Proving actual damages is vital to common law fraud.[217] Here, the statute Congress passed creates a new action different from the common law because, even though it mirrors the most of the elements of common law fraud, the SEC need not demonstrate damages.[218] In this way, the statute is nearly identical to the statute at issue in Atlas Roofing, which also mirrored a common-law claim lacking damages. Thus, the Fifth Circuit’s attempt to differentiate Atlas Roofing fails because the panel’s focus was misplaced. What makes an action “unknown to the common law” is not a lack of similar elements, here misrepresentation.[219] Similarity is inevitable. Rather, an action is “unknown to the common law” when it lacks one of the common elements, here damages.[220]

The panel also tried to reason that Atlas Roofing was unique because it asked “factfinders to undertake detailed assessments of workplace safety condition and to make unsafe-conditions findings even if no injury occurred.”[221] But again on this point, the SEC’s power is similar in that it investigates securities fraud actions, makes findings on whether fraud occurs, and brings actions even if no damages have occurred.[222] For this reason, analogy to common law is not enough to overcome the public rights exception outlined in Atlas Roofing because fraud without damages is “unknown to the common law.”[223]

For the other element of the Atlas Roofing test, whether jury trials go far to “impede swift resolution” of the action, the Fifth Circuit’s reasoning has more support.[224] To begin with, the current litigation took seven years.[225] Seven years is not considered a swift resolution, even in judicial-time.[226] And the SEC still brings similar actions in district court which cuts against the argument that jury trials impede swift resolution.[227] Requiring an Article III trial would not “impede swift resolution” because even the SEC agrees that Article III courts can handle these claims.[228]

In sum, the opinion ignored the comparison between the cause of action in Atlas Roofing by OSHA and the cause of action brought by the SEC. Consequently, under current case law, it is likely that the action brought by the SEC is a public right and thus exempt from the Seventh Amendment requirements.

2. The Non-Delegation Non-Starter: Part II of the Opinion

The Jarkesy court was “almost certainly wrong” in the non-delegation part of its opinion.[229] In that portion, the panel held that even if the Commission’s cause of action were enforcing a public right, Congress improperly delegated a legislative power to the SEC.[230]

The majority observed that the language of Article I provides that all legislative powers must be vested in the Congress.[231] The Court also reasoned that forum selection is a legislative power.[232] It is a legislative power because “assigning disputes to agency adjudication”[233] “alter[s] the legal rights of, duties, and relations of persons . . . outside the legislative branch.”[234] In addition, “the mode of determining which cases are assigned to administrative tribunals ‘is completely within congressional control.’”[235] Thus, because forum selection is a legislative power, Congress must articulate “an intelligible principle” to control the exercise of that power if delegating it to an agency.[236] The Jarkesy court reasoned that Congress did not give an intelligible principle when delegating forum selection to the SEC and it was thus an unconstitutional delegation.[237]

The non-delegation requirement has only been applied “when Congress has delegated power directly to the President—never when Congress has delegated power to agency officials.”[238] Although some Justices have signaled this may change, that reception has only been in dissents and concurrences.[239] In fact, the Fifth Circuit rejected Congress’s delegation to an administrative agency by citing those dissents instead of any majority opinions.[240] In essence, the Jarkesy court tenuously relied on the expansion of an already disputed doctrine.

The court was, in my opinion, correctly wary of the SEC’s complete discretion over forum. But its holding misconstrued existing case law and relied on non-delegation, which has not applied to this sort of action before. Alternatively, the Fifth Circuit could have held that Congress did not exclusively assign the action to the SEC, allowing Jarkesy to invoke an Article III forum. This is directly supported by the case law, particularly Granfinanciera.

B. Did Congress Assign the Action? The Exclusivity Principle: A Way Out for the Court?

This Note agrees with the Fifth Circuit: the SEC should not have complete discretion over forum. Congress should choose the forum and the SEC must follow. Yet, the Fifth Circuit’s holding ventured far beyond the caselaw to reach this result. Rather than base its holding on broad (and novel) interpretations of the caselaw, the Fifth Circuit instead should have issued a narrow opinion based on Granfinanciera. In doing so, the court could have reached the same result—a jury right for Jarkesy—without relying on a Supreme Court dissenting opinion for its rule.[241]

Granfinanciera answers when the Seventh Amendment prevents non-Article III adjudication.[242] The test is whether Congress “may and has assigned resolution of the relevant claim to a non-Article III adjudicative body that does not use a jury as a factfinder.”[243] Congress may assign any action that is a public right.[244] Under Granfinanciera, it is likely that the SEC was litigating a public right against Jarkesy because the action is unknown to the common law.[245] Thus, Congress may assign it. The question then is whether Congress has assigned it. Under Granfinanciera, the answer is no.

Congress has not assigned a public right unless adjudication of that right is given “exclusively to non-article III tribunals sitting without juries.”[246] Otherwise, “the Seventh Amendment guarantees petitioners a jury trial upon request.”[247] Thus, to assign means to exclusively assign. Without exclusive assignment, the Seventh Amendment requires a jury trial upon a defendant’s request.[248]

The requirement for exclusive assignment is found in many of the Court’s public rights precedents. In Atlas Roofing the Court stated, “Congress has often created new statutory obligations, provided for civil penalties for their violation and committed exclusively to an administrative agency the function of deciding whether a violation has in fact occurred.”[249] In Ex parte Bakelite Corp.,[250] the Court stated, “Congress may reserve to itself the power to decide, may delegate that power to executive officers, or may commit it to judicial tribunals.”[251] The Court stated in Thomas that “the public rights doctrine reflects simply a pragmatic understanding that when Congress selects a quasi-judicial method of resolving matters that ‘could be conclusively determined by the Executive and Legislative Branches,’ the danger of encroaching on the judicial powers is less than when private rights.”[252] In sum, exclusivity ensures actual assignment, which in turn secures the rights of the parties before litigation ever starts.

Here, unlike other public rights cases, the relevant statute did not exclusively assign the matter outside of Article III courts. In fact, the statute gives the SEC complete autonomy to litigate in an Article II forum, its own administrative court, or an Article III forum.[253] The SEC’s autonomy violates the exclusivity requirement found in Granfinanciera and other public rights cases. Whether the Seventh Amendment applies “turns not solely on the nature of the issue to be resolved, but also the forum in which it is resolved.”[254] In Jarkesy, the SEC chooses the forum and thus had complete control over Jarkesy’s Seventh Amendment right. Granfinanciera does not tolerate this level of agency autonomy. Indeed, by requiring exclusive assignment, a court ensures that control over the Seventh Amendment is not left to an agency’s whims. Instead, Congress may both create a new right and define the parameters of that right.

Thus, the Fifth Circuit improperly based its opinion on non-delegation rather than proper assignment. When the matter is not exclusively assigned, the Seventh Amendment steps in and assures the litigant has a jury right if they so elect. This holding would have resulted in the same outcome, a jury trial for Jarkesy, without going against Atlas Roofing’s precedent, or alternatively relying on a theoretical doctrine not adopted in any controlling precedent.

C. Proposal

The exclusivity requirement opens an easy path for the Supreme Court to follow. One of the concerns consistently expressed by the Justices is how finding for Jarkesy could upend agency adjudication.[255] Yet another consistent concern is how easily Congress could deprive anyone of a jury right if they wanted to.[256]

In responding to these concerns, Granfinanciera gives the Supreme Court a chance to have its cake and eat it too. Rather than upending practically all administrative adjudications or further weakening the Seventh Amendment, exclusive assignment allows the Justices to take a small step in preserving both. The Supreme Court could reject the Fifth Circuit’s opinion under Atlas Roofing and still hold that Granfinanciera requires exclusive assignment. Under that rule, Jarkesy and anyone else similarly prosecuted may elect for a jury trial or consent to an SEC trial because Granfinanciera requires it.[257] Thus, the Supreme Court can have its cake and eat it too.

Alternatively, the SEC could moot this issue today by giving litigants the option to choose Article II or Article III forum.[258] The SEC can accomplish this without Congress, as it will simply be an administrative procedure which is exempt from notice and comment rulemaking.[259] By selecting a forum through notice and comment procedures, the SEC would protect its interest in efficiency while preserving a litigant’s Seventh Amendment rights. Either way, the resolution need not upend all agency adjudication. Rather, any solution could be tailored to preserve SEC efficiency and the Seventh Amendment rights.

Conclusion

In sum, juries are an ancient and an important right, though not an untouchable one. Juries may be abrogated when the action is not one “at common law” or when the right being litigated is a public right. Public rights are those rights which are closely intertwined with an executive or legislative scheme. Even so, just because an action may be a public right in theory, it still must be assigned to be litigated in a non-Article III forum. Without exclusive assignment to a non-jury forum, the Seventh Amendment attaches. In Jarkesy, the SEC brought a case in an administrative forum for civil penalties. The majority opinion held that this was unconstitutional because the SEC was not litigating a public right. Even still, this action reflects other actions brought by administrative agencies. It sounds in common law but is a new action because it lacks one of the vital elements of common-law claims, damages. But unlike other public rights, the SEC has the power to bring the action in one forum with a jury right and one without a jury right. This violates the exclusivity principle as explained in Granfinanciera. Exclusivity provides an easy way out for the Court and even the SEC itself. So long as the SEC has this right, the defendant ought to maintain it too. By doing so, the Court, the SEC, and other parties may protect the legislative scheme, the administrative state, and also the Seventh Amendment.

C. Isaac Hopkin[260]*

  1. . Brief of Phillip Goldstein et al. as Amici Curiae in Support of Petitioners, Jarkesy v. SEC, 34 F.4th 446 (5th Cir. 2022) (No. 20-61007), 2021 WL 1856946, at *6 [hereinafter Cuban Brief]; Brief of the New Civil Liberties Alliance as Amicus Curiae in Support of Petitioners, Jarkesy, 34 F.4th 446 (No. 20-61007), 2021 WL 1856951, at *3 [hereinafter NCLU Brief].

  2. . Jarkesy v. SEC, 34 F.4th 446, 450 (5th Cir. 2022), cert. granted, 143 S. Ct. 2688 (2023).

  3. . Brief for the Cato Institute as Amicus Curiae in Support of Petitioners, Jarkesy, 34 F.4th 446 (5th Cir. 2022) (No. 20-61007), 2021 WL 1149884, at *2 [hereinafter Cato Brief].

  4. . NCLU Brief, supra note 1, at *3.

  5. . Jarkesy, 34 F.4th at 450.

  6. . Id.

  7. . Id. at 449.

  8. . NCLU Brief, supra note 1, at *3.

  9. . Id.

  10. . Jarkesy, 34 F.4th at 450.

  11. . See, e.g., Jarkesy v. SEC, 803 F.3d 9, 30 (D.C. Cir. 2015) (denying Manager 1 his jury request because the court lacked subject-matter jurisdiction for the case).

  12. . SEC v. Seghers, 298 F.App’x 319, 323 n.2 (5th Cir. 2008).

  13. . Id. at 322.

  14. . Id.

  15. . Id. at 323.

  16. . Id.

  17. . Thomas Glassman, Ice Skating up Hill: Constitutional Challenges to SEC Administrative Proceedings, 16 J. Bus. & Sec. L. 47, 68 (2015).

  18. . Id.

  19. . 15 U.S.C. § 78u(d) (authorizing the SEC to seek monetary penalties); id. § 78u-3 (authorizing the SEC to choose the forum).

  20. . Jarkesy v. SEC, 34 F.4th 446, 450 (5th Cir. 2022), cert. granted, 143 S. Ct. 2688 (2023).

  21. . H.R. Rep. No. 111-687, pt. 1, at 78 (2010).

  22. . U.S. Const. amend. VII.

  23. . Tull v. United States, 481 U.S. 412, 417 (1987).

  24. . Granfinanciera, S.A. v. Nordberg, 492 U.S. 33, 53 (1989).

  25. . See NCLU Brief, supra note 1, at *14; Jarkesy, 34 F.4th at 462.

  26. . See Cuban Brief, supra note 1, at *6.

  27. . 34 F.4th 446 (5th Cir. 2022), cert. granted, 143 S. Ct. 2688 (2023).

  28. . Id. at 459, 462.

  29. . Id.

  30. . Id. at 457.

  31. . Id. at 462–63.

  32. . Id. at 451–60.

  33. . 430 U.S. 442 (1977).

  34. . Tull v. United States, 481 U.S. 412, 425 (1987).

  35. . See infra pp. 34–35.

  36. . Granfinanciera, S.A. v. Nordberg, 492 U.S. 33, 49 (1989).

  37. . Tull, 481 U.S. at 417.

  38. . See William Baude, Adjudication Outside Article III, 133 Harv. L. Rev. 1511, 1570–71 (2020).

  39. . Thomas v. Union Carbide Agric. Prods. Co., 473 U.S. 568, 589 (1985).

  40. . Granfinanciera, 492 U.S. at 53–54.

  41. . Oil States Energy Servs., LLC v. Green’s Energy Grp., LLC, 138 S. Ct. 1365, 1379 (2018) (quoting Granfinanciera, 492 U.S. at 53–54).

  42. . Jarkesy v. SEC, 34 F.4th 446, 453 (5th Cir. 2022), cert. granted, 143 S. Ct. 2688 (2023).

  43. . See The Declaration of Independence para. 20 (U.S. 1776) (“He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended Legislation: . . . For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by Jury.”).

  44. . See Paul R. Verkuil, The Emerging Concept of Administrative Procedure, 78 Colum. L. Rev. 258, 279 (1978) (“It is equally important . . . to provide mechanisms that will not delay or frustrate substantive regulatory programs.”). Efficiency is the one of the SEC’s justifications for use of the administrative forum over district courts. “From the standpoint of deterrence and investor protection, I think we can all agree that it is better to have rulings earlier than later.” Andrew Ceresney, Director, SEC Div. of Enforcement, Remarks to the American Bar Association’s Business Law Section Fall Meeting (Nov. 21, 2014) (transcript available at http://perma.cc/C9HU-FB9V).

  45. . U.S Const. amend. VII.

  46. . Jennifer Walker Elrod, Is the Jury Still Out?: A Case for the Continued Viability of the American Jury, 44 Tex. Tech L. Rev. 303, 310 (2012). Judge Jennifer Walker Elrod was the Judge who authored the Jarkesy opinion. Jarkesy v. SEC, 34 F.4th 446 (5th Cir. 2022), cert. granted, 143 S. Ct. 2688 (2023).

  47. . Elrod, supra note 46, at 310.

  48. . Id. at 314.

  49. . See id. at 311.

  50. . Id.

  51. . Edward L. Rubin, Trial by Battle. Trial by Argument., 56 Ark. L. Rev. 261, 263 (2003).

  52. . Elrod, supra note 46, at 268–69.

  53. . See id. at 311.

  54. . Id.

  55. . Id.

  56. . Jack Pope, The Jury, 39 Tex. L. Rev. 426, 431 (1961). The reform process was not for some noble purpose, instead it was to keep revenue in the King’s Court rather than going to local tribunals. See id.

  57. . Id. at 432.

  58. . See id. at 431–39.

  59. . Id. at 434.

  60. . Id.

  61. . Id. at 435.

  62. . Pope, supra note 56, at 434.

  63. . Id. at 434–35.

  64. . Id. at 435.

  65. . Id. at 441.

  66. . Id.

  67. . Elrod, supra note 46, at 313.

  68. . Pope, supra note 56, at 441–42.

  69. . Id. at 442.

  70. . Id.

  71. . Id.

  72. . Id. at 442–43.

  73. . Pope, supra note 56, at 445.

  74. . Id.

  75. . Elrod, supra note 46, at 313.

  76. . Id.

  77. . Id.

  78. . Id.

  79. . Id. (quoting 6 Cobbett’s Complete Collection of State Trials and Proceedings for High Treason and Other Crimes and Misdemeanors from the Earliest Period to the Present Time 964 (1810)).

  80. . Id.

  81. . Elrod, supra note 46, at 313.

  82. . Id.

  83. . Id. at 313–14.

  84. . Bushell’s Case, 124 Eng. Rep. 1006, 1010 (C.P. 1670).

  85. . Pope, supra note 56, at 443.

  86. . See id. at 444

  87. . Id.

  88. . Id.

  89. . Id.

  90. . Id.

  91. . 4 William Blackstone, Commentaries *342.

  92. . Id. at *379.

  93. . Elrod, supra note 46, at 314–15.

  94. . Id. at 315.

  95. . Akhil Reed Amar, A Tale of Three Wars: Tinker in Constitutional Context¸ 48 Drake L. Rev. 507, 514 (2000).

  96. . Rachel E. Barkow, Recharging the Jury: The Criminal Jury’s Constitutional Role in an Era of Mandatory Sentencing, 152 U. Pa. L. Rev. 33, 52–53 (2003).

  97. . Id. at 53.

  98. . The Declaration of Independence para. 20 (U.S. 1776) (“He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended Legislation: . . . For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by Jury.”).

  99. . Akhil Reed Amar, The Bill of Rights as a Constitution, 100 Yale L.J. 1131, 1183 (1991).

  100. . Id.

  101. . Kenneth S. Klein, The Validity of the Public Rights Doctrine in Light of the Historical Rationale of the Seventh Amendment, 21 Hastings Const. L.Q. 1013, 1018 (1994).

  102. . Id. at 1019.

  103. . Edith Build Henderson, The Background of the Seventh Amendment, 80 Harv. L. Rev. 289, 291–92 (1966).

  104. . Id. at 299.

  105. . Id. at 293–94.

  106. . Id. at 294.

  107. . Id. at 294–95.

  108. . See Charles W. Wolfram, The Constitutional History of the Seventh Amendment, 57 Minn. L. Rev. 639, 730 (1973).

  109. . Id. at 728.

  110. . Id. at 729.

  111. . Id.

  112. . Id. at 730.

  113. . Id.

  114. . Julius J. Marke, Peter Zenger’s Trial, 6 Litig. 41, 55 (1980).

  115. . Atlas Roofing Co. v. Occupational Safety & Health Rev. Comm’n, 430 U.S. 442, 460–61 (1977).

  116. . 481 U.S. 412 (1987).

  117. . Id. at 417 (internal quotation omitted).

  118. . Id. at 414.

  119. . Id. at 418.

  120. . Id. at 417 (citing Curtis v. Loether, 415 U.S. 189, 193 (1974)).

  121. . Id.

  122. . Tull v. United States, 481 U.S. 412, 417 (1987).

  123. . Id. at 420.

  124. . Id. at 423.

  125. . Jean Eaglesham, SEC Wins with In-House Judges, Wall St. J. (May 6, 2015, 10:30 PM), https://www.wsj.com/articles/sec-wins-with-in-house-judges-1430965803.

  126. . See SEC, Addendum to Division of Enforcement Press Release Fiscal Year 2022 (2022), https://www.sec.gov/files/fy22-enforcement-statistics.pdf.

  127. . Id.

  128. . Bushell’s Case, 124 Eng. Rep. 1006, 1010 (C.P. 1670).

  129. . Stern v. Marshall, 564 U.S. 462, 490–91 (2011).

  130. . See Glassman, supra note 17, at 50.

  131. . Id.

  132. . Oil States Energy Servs., LLC v. Green’s Energy Grp., LLC, 138 S. Ct. 1365, 1379 (2018).

  133. . See Den v. Hoboken Land & Improvement Co. (Murray’s Lessee), 59 U.S. (18 How.) 272, 284 (1855).

  134. . See Ellen E. Sward, Legislative Courts, Article III, and the Seventh Amendment, 77 N.C. L. Rev. 1037, 1064, 1103 (1999).

  135. . Klein, supra note 101, at 1023.

  136. . Baude, supra note 38, at 1577.

  137. . Klein, supra note 101, at 1023–24.

  138. . Id. at 1024–25.

  139. . Id. at 1024.

  140. . See id.; see also Oceanic Steam Navigation Co. v. Stranahan, 214 U.S. 320, 339 (1909) (Congress could “impose appropriate obligations and sanctions their enforcement by reasonable money penalties, giving executive officers the power to enforce such penalties without the necessity of invoking judicial power.”).

  141. . See Sward, supra note 134, at 1064.

  142. . Klein, supra note 101, at 1024.

  143. . Id.

  144. . Id. at 1024, 1031–32.

  145. . 59 U.S. (18 How.) 272 (1855).

  146. . Id. at 284–85.

  147. . Id. at 274.

  148. . Id. at 275.

  149. . Id. at 284.

  150. . Klein, supra note 101, at 1025.

  151. . 285 U.S. 22 (1932).

  152. . Id. at 36–37.

  153. . Id.

  154. . Id. at 37.

  155. . Id. at 50.

  156. . Id. at 60–61.

  157. . See Sward, supra note 134, at 1064, 1103.

  158. . Id.

  159. . Id.

  160. . See Jarkesy v. SEC, 34 F.4th 446, 454 (5th Cir. 2022), cert. granted, 143 S. Ct. 2688 (2023) (describing the SEC’s action as akin to common law fraud).

  161. . 430 U.S. 442 (1977).

  162. . Id. at 448–49.

  163. . Id. at 460.

  164. . Id. at 455.

  165. . Id. at 452 (quoting Crowell v. Benson, 285 U.S. 22, 50–51 (1932)).

  166. . 473 U.S. 586 (1985).

  167. . Id. at 571. FIFRA’s pesticide registration scheme is a matter for another law review article. For a summation of its process, see id. at 572–75 and Ruckelshaus v. Monsanto Co., 467 U.S. 986, 991–97 (1984).

  168. . Thomas, 473 U.S. at 593–94.

  169. . Id. at 589.

  170. . Id. at 587.

  171. . See id. at 589–93.

  172. . Stern v. Marshall, 564 U.S. 462, 490–91 (2011).

  173. . Id.

  174. . Granfinanciera, S.A. v. Nordberg, 492 U.S. 33, 53 (1989) (citing Atlas Roofing Co. v. Occupational Safety & Health Rev. Comm’n, 430 U.S. 442, 453–55 (1977)).

  175. . Baude, supra note 38, at 1520, 1542, 1547; Robert L. Glicksman & Richard E. Levy, The New Separation of Powers Formalism and Administrative Adjudication, 90 Geo. Wash. L. Rev. 1088, 1138 (2022) (“[T]he current doctrine concerning administrative adjudication is confusing and poorly defined.”). Efforts by judges to define public rights is equally confused. See Stern v. Marshall, 564 U.S. 462, 488 (2011) ([O]ur discussion of the public rights exception since that time has not been entirely consistent . . . .”); see also Transcript of Oral Argument at 6, SEC v. Jarkesy, 143 S. Ct. 2688 (2023) (No. 22-859) (“The court has never fully plumbed its outer perimeters.”).

  176. . 34 F.4th 446 (5th Cir. 2022), cert. granted, 143 S. Ct. 2688 (2023).

  177. . Id. at 467 (Davis, J. dissenting).

  178. . Id. at 454 (majority opinion) (citing Tull v. United States, 481 U.S. 412, 481 (1987)).

  179. . William F. Funk, Sidney A. Shapiro, & Russell L. Weaver, Administrative Procedure and Practice 558 (6th ed. 2019).

  180. . Oil States Energy Servs., LLC v. Green’s Energy Grp., LLC, 138 S. Ct. 1365, 1379 (2018) (emphasis added) (quoting Granfinanciera, S.A. v. Nordberg, 492 U.S. 33, 53–54 (1989)).

  181. . Baude, supra note 38, at 1577.

  182. . Id. Of course, this is not a perfect diagram that explains all the Court’s relevant holdings. Some cases are public rights because they embody a little bit of each category. See id. at 1578.

  183. . See, e.g., Matthews v. Eldridge, 424 U.S. 319 (1976) (rejecting court-like procedures in an administrative forum, because the plaintiff had adequate notice).

  184. . Jarkesy v. SEC, 34 F.4th 446, 453 (5th Cir. 2022), cert. granted, 143 S. Ct. 2688 (2023).

  185. . Baude, supra note 38, at 1578.

  186. . Id. at 1552–53.

  187. . Murray’s Lessee, 59 U.S. (18 How.) 272, 285 (1855).

  188. . NCLU Brief, supra note 1, at *3–4.

  189. . Baude, supra note 38, at 1578.

  190. . Crowell v. Benson, 285 U.S. 22, 50 (1932).

  191. . See Sward, supra note 134, at 1079.

  192. . Id.

  193. . Glassman, supra note 17, at 68.

  194. . Id.

  195. . Id.

  196. . Sward, supra note 134, at 1080.

  197. . Jonathan H. Adler, The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly of Jarkesy v. SEC, Volokh Conspiracy (Aug. 17, 2022, 6:10 p.m.) https://reason.com/volokh/2022/08/17/the-good-the-bad-and-the-ugly-of-jarkesy-v-sec/; see id. (“[T]he Fifth Circuit’s arguments that Atlas Roofing has been abrogated . . . [is] thoroughly unconvincing.”).

  198. . Jarkesy v. SEC, 34 F.4th 446, 450 (5th Cir. 2022), cert. granted, 143 S. Ct. 2688 (2023).

  199. . Id. at 451, 465.

  200. . Id. at 451.

  201. . See Granfinanciera, S.A. v. Nordberg, 492 U.S. 33, 42 (1989) (emphasis added).

  202. . See discussion infra Section II.A.1.

  203. . Granfinanciera, 492 U.S. at 42 (emphasis added).

  204. . Id. at 49 (emphasis added).

  205. . Id.

  206. . Jarkesy v. SEC, 34 F.4th 446, 451 (5th Cir. 2022), cert. granted, 143 S. Ct. 2688 (2023).

  207. . Granfinanciera, S.A. v. Nordberg, 492 U.S. 33, 53–54 (1977).

  208. . Jarkesy, 34 F.4th at 454.

  209. . Granfinanciera, 492 U.S. at 60–63 (quoting Atlas Roofing Co. v. Occupational Safety & Health Rev. Comm’n, 430 U.S. 442, 461 (1977)).

  210. . Jarkesy, 34 F.4th at 454–57.

  211. . Atlas Roofing, 430 U.S. at 453.

  212. . Jarkesy, 34 F.4th at 458 (citing Atlas Roofing, 430 U.S. at 445).

  213. . Id.

  214. . Id.

  215. . Oral Argument at 25:50, Jarkesy 34 F.4th 446 (No. 20–61007), https://www.courtlistener.com/audio/77971/jarkesy-v-sec/.

  216. . 15 U.S.C. § 78. Several of the Justices seemed to find this analogy fitting. See Transcript of Oral Argument at 100, 115, 146, SEC v. Jarkesy, 143 S. Ct. 2688 (2023) (No. 22-859).

  217. . See Jarkesy, 34 F. 4th at 455 (“The traditional elements of common-law fraud are (1) a knowing or reckless material misrepresentation, (2) that the tortfeasor intended to act on and (3) that harmed the plaintiff.” (quoting In re Deepwater Horizon, 857 F.3d 246, 249 (5th Cir. 2017)) (emphasis added)).

  218. . Jarkesy, 34 F. 4th at 472 (Davis, J., dissenting).

  219. . Id.

  220. . Id. at n.47.

  221. . Id. at 456 (majority opinion) (citing Atlas Roofing v. Occupational Safety & Health Rev. Comm’n, 430 U.S. 442, 445 (1977)).

  222. . See 15 U.S.C § 78u-2.

  223. . Atlas Roofing, 430 U.S. 442, 453 (1977).

  224. . Granfinanciera, S.A. v. Nordberg, 492 U.S. 33, 60–63 (1977).

  225. . Jarkesy, 34 F.4th at 456.

  226. . See id.

  227. . Id. at 455–56.

  228. . Id. at 456.

  229. . See Adler, supra note 197.

  230. . Jarkesy, 34 F.4th at 459.

  231. . Id. at 460.

  232. . Id. at 461 (quoting Crowell v. Benson, 285 U.S. 22, 50 (1992)).

  233. . See Oceanic Steam Navigation Co. v. Stranahan, 214 U.S. 320, 339 (1909).

  234. . Jarkesy, 34 F.4th at 461 (quoting INS v. Chadha, 462 U.S. 919 (1983)).

  235. . Crowell v. Benson, 285 U.S. 22, 50 (quoting Ex parte Bakelite Corp., 279 U.S. 438, 451 (1929)).

  236. . Mistretta v. United States, 488 U.S. 361, 372 (1989).

  237. . Jarkesy, 34 F.4th at 462.

  238. . Elena Kagan, Presidential Administration, 114 Harv. L. Rev. 2245, 2364 (2001).

  239. . See Brandon J. Johnson, The Accountability–Accessibility Disconnect, 58 Wake Forest L. Rev. 65, 74–80 (2023).

  240. . See Jarkesy, 34 F.4th at 460 (citing Gundy v. United States, 139 S. Ct. 2116, 2134 (2019) (Gorsuch, J., dissenting)).

  241. . Id.

  242. . See Granfinanciera, S.A., v. Nordberg, 492 U.S 33, 51 (1989).

  243. . Id. at 42.

  244. . Id. at n.4.

  245. . See discussion supra Part II.A.2.

  246. . Granfinanciera, 492 U.S. at 49.

  247. . Id.

  248. . Id.

  249. . Atlas Roofing Co. v. Occupational Safety & Health Rev. Comm’n, 430 U.S. 442, 450 (1977) (emphasis added).

  250. . 279 U.S. 438 (1929).

  251. . Id. at 451.

  252. . Id. at 589 (quoting N. Pipeline Constr. Co. v. Marathon Pipeline Co., 458 U.S. 50, 68 (1982) (plurality opinion)).

  253. . See Jarkesy v. SEC, 34 F.4th 446, 461 (5th Cir. 2022), cert. granted, 143 S. Ct. 2688 (2023).

  254. . Granfinanciera, S.A. v. Nordberg, 492 U.S. 33, 49 (1989).

  255. . See, e.g., Transcript of Oral Argument at 119–20, SEC v. Jarkesy, 143 S. Ct. 2688 (2023) (No. 22-859) (Justice Sotomayor expressing concern that finding for Jarkesy could nullify all agency adjudication).

  256. . See, e.g., Transcript of Oral Argument at 27, SEC v. Jarkesy, 143 S. Ct. 2688 (2023) (No. 22-859) (Justice Kavanaugh expressing concern that the government throws a different label on a suit and can deprive litigants of jury trials and other due process rights in civil litigation).

  257. . Consent overcomes any assignment problems. “The entitlement to an Article III adjudicator is a ‘personal right’ and thus ordinarily ‘subject to waiver.’” Wellness Int’l Network, Ltd. v. Sharif, 575 U.S. 665, 678 (2015) (quoting Commodity Futures Trading Comm’n v. Schor, 478 U.S. 833, 848 (1986)).

  258. . Transcript of Oral Argument at 135–36, Jarkesy, 143 S. Ct. 2688 (No. 22-859); see also Christopher J. Walker & David Zaring, The Right to Remove in Agency Adjudication, 84 Ohio St. L.J. (forthcoming 2024) (manuscript at 33), https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4644940.

  259. . 5 U.S.C. § 553.

  260. *. J.D. Candidate 2024 Wake Forest University School of Law; B.S. Finance Brigham Young University; incoming associate at Morris Nichols Arsht & Tunnell. The biggest thank you goes to my wife Brooke, and our kids Scott, Liam, and Sonya (Sunny), their love and support means more than I can express here. Also thank you to Christian Schweitzer who has been a mentor to me since my 1L year and provided so much help and support as editor of the note. For helpful feedback and discussion, I would like to thank Professors Christine Coughlin, Lee-ford Tritt, and Sidney Shapiro. Finally, a huge thank you for the Law Review team, specifically Keegan Hicks, Dylan Ellis, and Haley Hurst, each of them made my note much clearer.

Jasmine Jaffe

Former President Donald Trump faces a total of 91 felony charges across four separate criminal indictments.[1] Pleading not guilty to all charges against him, all four jurisdictions are gearing up for trial, and the timeline of these legal proceedings carries significant implications for the 2024 Presidential Election.[2] As the very likely Republican nominee, Trump is set to face off against his 2020 opponent, President Joe Biden.[3] If Trump is convicted and sentencing occurs before November 5, there stands a real possibility of the presidential candidate being in a prison cell when Americans cast their votes.

New York Hush Money Indictment

On March 30, 2023, Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg announced that a grand jury had indicted former President Trump on 34 felony charges of falsifying business records concerning hush money payments made to Stormy Daniels.[4] Prosecutors allege that Trump “orchestrated a scheme with others to influence the 2016 presidential election by identifying and purchasing negative information about him to suppress its publication and benefit the Defendant’s electoral prospects.”[5] The defense filed multiple motions to dismiss the charges to no avail and as of February 15, Trump’s first criminal trial is set to begin March 25.[6] According to presiding Judge Merchan, the trial is expected to last five or six weeks, ending in late April or early May.[7] If convicted, which is likely considering the New York jury pool and the strength of the evidence, each count could result in a prison sentence of up to four years, to be served consecutively, or the judge could impose no prison sentence.[8] The latter is seen as the most likely result because the accusations against Trump are largely victimless.[9] Consequently, the judge is not likely to sentence him to anything more than fines, or at most, probation and community service.[10]

Florida Classified Documents Indictment

Trump faces his most serious charges in a 40-felony count indictment related to his alleged mishandling of classified documents at Mar-a-Lago.[11] While the trial is technically set for May, Trump filed a motion to dismiss on February 22, claiming he should be shielded from prosecution by presidential immunity.[12] This motion aligns with previous requests to toss out the indictment, citing alleged prosecutorial misconduct and selective and vindictive prosecution.[13] By flooding the court with these motions and the amount of discovery required, it is highly unlikely that trial will occur before the election.[14] If elected and able to pardon himself, Trump may avoid his most damning indictment, which typically carries “prison sentences of several years or more.”[15]

January 6th Election Interference Indictment

Trump’s third indictment stems from special counsel Jack Smith’s investigation into alleged efforts by the former president to overturn the 2020 election. The indictment alleges Trump “attempted to exploit the violence and chaos at the Capitol by calling lawmakers to convince them . . . to delay the certification.”[16] In October, the Trump defense team filed a motion to dismiss citing presidential immunity under Nixon v. Fitzgerald.[17] After the district court rejected this argument in December, special counsel Jack Smith sought the extraordinary step of bypassing the D.C. Circuit’s appeal process by turning directly to the Supreme Court. Smith argued that the “Court should grant a writ of certiorari before judgment to ensure that it can provide the expeditious resolution this case warrants.”[18] The Court was unconvinced and denied the special counsel’s request, sending the case back to the D.C. Circuit.[19] On February 6, the appeals court unanimously affirmed the District Court, with Trump shortly after requesting the Supreme Court to block the appeals court ruling.[20] Twenty-two days later, the Court granted cert and oral argument has been set for April 22.[21] Given the Court’s expected timeline, a decision will likely not be issued until late June.[22] Assuming the former President does not receive immunity, this would push the trial right up to the election.[23] However, most legal commentators believe this is “game over” for Jack Smith, and the trial will not conclude until after November 5.[24]

Georgia Election Racketeering Indictment

The most recent of Trump’s criminal charges occurred on August 14, 2023, when a grand jury in Fulton County, Georgia indicted the former President for violation of state RICO charges, among 12 other charges.[25] Like other prosecutors, Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis is seeking to secure a conviction before the election.[26] However, she faces her own uphill battle as she is fighting efforts against her disqualification from the case for alleged corruption.[27] Trump co-defendant Michael Roman and several other co-defendants are seeking Willis’ disqualification from the election case on the grounds that she benefited financially from a romantic relationship with an attorney who she hired for the case.[28] Legal observers are split on if presiding Judge Scott McAfee will decide to remove Willis from the case.[29] If she is removed, it would take some time for a new prosecutor to be appointed, and an even longer time for the complex, 15-defendant case to see trial.[30] This delay would likely mean that President Trump, yet again, escapes prosecution until after the election.

In summary, the likelihood of the former President finding himself behind bars before November 5, 2024, appears remote. Even in the event of a conviction in any of the pending criminal cases, legal processes, appeals, and potential delays are likely to extend well beyond the election. The protracted nature of the legal system, combined with the complexity of the charges and the strategic legal maneuvers employed by Trump’s defense team, make the prospect of prompt resolutions improbable.


[1] Gareth Evans, A guide to Donald Trump’s four criminal cases, BBC (Feb. 15, 2024), https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-61084161.

[2] Id.

[3] Ken Bredemeier, Trump Moving Closer to Election Rematch With Biden, Voice of America (Feb. 25, 2024), https://www.voanews.com/a/trump-moving-closer-to-election-rematch-with-biden/7501994.html.

[4] Indictment, People v. Trump, Case No. 1:23-cv-71543 (S.D.N.Y. Mar. 30, 2023).

[5] Statement of Facts, People v. Trump, Case No. 1:23-cv-71543 (S.D.N.Y. Mar. 30, 2023).

[6] Frank G. Runyeon, Trump Gets March 25 Trial Date in NY Hush Money Case, Law360 (Feb. 15, 2024), https://www.law360.com/articles/1803271/trump-gets-march-25-trial-date-in-ny-hush-money-case.

[7] Id.

[8]Ann E. Marimow, Here are the 34 charges against Trump and what they mean, Wash. Post (Apr. 4, 2023), https://www.washingtonpost.com/national-security/2023/04/04/trump-charges-34-counts-felony/#.

[9] John Bowden, Will Donald Trump go to prison?, The Independent (Feb. 15, 2024), https://www.the-independent.com/news/world/americas/us-politics/trump-prison-jail-time-trial-b2497046.html.

[10] Id.

[11] Indictment, U.S. v. Trump, Case No. 23-cr-80101 (S.D. Fla. Jul. 27, 2023).

[12] Perry Stein & Dalvin Barrett, Trump again claims immunity in effort to toss Fla. Classified documents case, Wash. Post (Feb. 23, 2024), https://www.washingtonpost.com/national-security/2024/02/22/trump-classified-documents-motions-dismiss/#.

[13] Id.

[14] Alan Feuer & Maggie Haberman, A Trump Judge Under Scrutiny, N.Y. Times (Feb. 22, 2024), https://www.nytimes.com/2024/02/22/us/politics/trump-trial-documents-cannon.html. Some have called for Judge Aileen Cannon’s removal from the case, characterizing her one of the “far worse of the jurists overseeing these momentous cases” and alleging that her “decisions during the investigative phase of the case strayed widely from precedent.” Norman L. Eisen & Joshua Kolb, Aileen Cannon Might Actually Get Herself Kicked Off the Trump Classified Docs Case, Slate (Feb. 20, 2024), https://slate.com/news-and-politics/2024/02/aileen-cannon-trump-classified-disqualification.html.

[15] John Bowden, Will Donald Trump go to prison?, The Independent (Feb. 15, 2024), https://www.the-independent.com/news/world/americas/us-politics/trump-prison-jail-time-trial-b2497046.html.

[16] Indictment, U.S. v. Trump, Case No. 23-cr-00257 (D.D.C. Aug. 1, 2023), at 41.

[17] Motion to Dismiss Indictment Based on Presidential Immunity, U.S. v. Trump, Case No. 23-cr-00257 (D.D.C. Oct. 5, 2023). Nixon held that the President is entitled to absolute immunity from liability for official responsibilities. Nixon v. Fitzgerald, 457 U.S. 731, 756 (1982).

[18] Petition for Writ of Certiorari, US v. Trump, (No. 23-00357), at 3.

[19] Robert Barnes, Supreme Court won’t expedite ruling on Trump’s immunity claim, Wash. Post (Dec. 22, 2023), https://www.washingtonpost.com/national-security/2023/12/22/supreme-court-trump-immunity-expedition-denied/#.

[20] US v. Trump, Case No. 23-cr-00257-1 (D.C. Cir. Feb. 6, 2024).

[21] Trump v. US, cert. granted, No. 23-939 (Feb. 28, 2024).

[22] Adam Liptak, Supreme Court Agrees to Hear Trump’s Immunity Claim, Setting Arguments for April, N.Y. Times (Feb. 28, 2024), https://www.nytimes.com/2024/02/28/us/supreme-court-trump-immunity-trial.html.

[23] Zach Schonfeld, Trump’s Jan. 6 trial falls into doubt as Supreme Court takes up immunity claims, Hill (Feb. 29, 2024), https://thehill.com/regulation/court-battles/4497023-trump-jan-6-trial-supreme-court-immunity-claims//.

[24] Rick Hasen, Why Did the Supreme Court Wait So Long to Decide to Set the Trump Criminal Immunity Case for Full Hearing and Argument? It Likely Means No Trial for Trump on Election Subversion Before the Election, Election Law Blog (Feb. 28, 2024), https://electionlawblog.org/?p=141686; Kyle Cheney & Josh Gerstein, How the Supreme Court just threw Trump’s 2024 trial schedule into turmoil, Politico (Feb. 28, 2024), https://www.politico.com/news/2024/02/28/how-the-supreme-court-just-threw-trumps-2024-trial-schedule-into-turmoil-00144043 (The trial judge has indicated that she would give Trump about three months to prepare for a new trial date, meaning that the trial would likely not begin until, at the earliest, October. The trial itself is expected to last another three months and thus ending in December).

[25] Indictment, Trump v. State, Case No. 23-sc-188947 (Fulton Super. Ct. Aug. 14, 2023)

[26] Jan Wolfe & Cameron McWhirter, Georgia Prosecutors Seek August 2024 Trial Date for Trump, Wall St. J. (Nov. 17, 2023), https://www.wsj.com/politics/elections/georgia-prosecutors-seek-august-2024-trial-date-for-trump-bb9ae97c#.

[27] David Wicket & Bill Rankin, Meet Mike Roman, the man trying to bring down Fani Willis, Atlanta J. Const. (Feb. 7, 2024), https://www.ajc.com/politics/meet-mike-roman-the-man-trying-to-bring-down-fani-willis/YMCZT7UVHBDRNAMYRPGJUATMJU/.

[28] Id.

[29] See Katie S. Phang, Why Judge McAfee’s Fani Willis decision is a surprisingly easy one, MSNBC (Feb. 21, 2024), https://www.msnbc.com/opinion/msnbc-opinion/fani-willis-hearing-decision-judge-mcafee-georgia-case-rcna139750#. See cf. Thomas Kika, Fani Willis’ Decision is ‘Bad Look,’ Ex-Prosecutor Warns, Newsweek (Feb. 5, 2024), https://www.newsweek.com/fani-willis-joyce-vance-fulton-county-1867069.

[30] Alison Durkee, Will Fani Willis Be Disqualified? Here’s What Would Happen Next if She’s Removed., Forbes (Feb. 16, 2024), https://www.forbes.com/sites/alisondurkee/2024/02/16/will-fani-willis-be-disqualified-heres-what-would-happen-next-if-shes-removed/?sh=64b691a017be.