Anna Duong-Harrison

History

            In 1873, Congress passed the Act for the Suppression of Trade in, and Circulation of, Obscene Articles of Immoral Use––the colloquial Comstock Act.[1] This Act criminalized the circulation of contraceptives and birth control-related information through the mail, including medical textbooks and magazines.[2] Even instruments that could be used to perform abortions were considered obscene.[3] The Act also forbade the sale of contraceptives across state lines.[4] The guilty recipients of these so-called “obscene” materials faced up to ten years in prison.[5] Twenty-four states quickly followed the federal government’s lead with their own Comstock laws.[6]

Anthony Comstock, a Christian zealot, inspired this wave of broad, unforgiving legislation.[7] After successfully lobbying Congress to pass the Act, Comstock regularly scoured New York City for people to arrest.[8] Equipped with funds from the New York Society for the Suppression of Vice, Comstock contributed to the arrest of hundreds of people, including prominent women’s rights advocates.[9] Comstock and others’ “campaign against obscenity” reflected fears that contraception and related materials may scandalize their children, promote immorality, and disincentivize marriage.[10]

Even though critics challenged the constitutionality of Comstock laws, the Supreme Court staunchly held that the First Amendment did not protect obscenity.[11] However, by the early 1900s, judicial enforcement of Comstock laws tapered off as courts recognized the challenges of applying such a broad statute.[12] For example, in U.S. v. One Package, the Second Circuit held the Act inapplicable to mailed contraceptive materials if the intended purpose was not “unlawful.”[13] The court reasoned that even though the legislators intended “unlawful” to be synonymous with “abortion” in the Act, modern changes in medicine required a new interpretation of the term to mean unlawful abortions.[14] Then, in 1972, the Supreme Court finally answered the hotly debated question of how to define obscenity, which further narrowed qualifying materials under the Act.[15] Finally, two hallmark Supreme Court cases, Griswold v. Connecticut and Roe v. Wade essentially rendered the Act null, since both contraception and abortion became legal.[16]

Can a Literal Interpretation of The Comstock Act Impact Abortion Care in North Carolina?

The strict nature of the original 1873 Comstock Act eventually morphed into today’s 18 U.S.C. §§ 1461 and 1462.[17] These statutes prohibit the mailing and importation of “any drug, medicine, article, or thing designed, adapted, or intended for producing abortion.”[18] As legal scholars have noted, the Supreme Court’s decision to remove the constitutional right to abortion in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization has potentially harkened a return of the Comstock Act.[19]

A literal interpretation of the Comstock Act could restrict FDA approval of mifepristone and misoprostol and arm the Department of Justice (DOJ) with more discretion under a conservative administration.[20] A literal interpretation of the Comstock Act would prohibit the mailing of any items related to abortion, regardless of sender intent.[21] This means FDA approved mifepristone and misoprostol would be inaccessible to doctors, even in states where abortion is legal.[22] The breadth of the Act could even limit the mailing of medical instruments like dilators, gloves, and speculums, which are used in a variety of obstetric procedures, including abortions.[23]

While some may view this application of the Comstock Act as reactive political rhetoric, five cities have already passed local ordinances that criminalize the shipping and receiving of abortion medications under §§ 1461 and 1462.[24] In recent oral arguments, Supreme Court Justices Clarence Thomas and Samuel Alito asked attorneys if the FDA violated the Comstock Act by approving mifepristone and misoprostol.[25] By raising this issue, the Justices signaled an openness to revive a legal relic. Republican Vice-presidential candidate J.D. Vance has also voiced his direct support for enforcing the Comstock Act.[26] In January 2023, Vance joined a group of legislators in a letter to the DOJ urging it to apply the Comstock Act to mailed abortion pills, which are also used for miscarriage healthcare.[27] The letter echoed Vance’s shared position that the Act had been misinterpreted and misapplied by the federal government.[28] Thus, it is not far-reaching to wonder if the Act will make a reappearance under a Trump/Vance administration.

Conclusion

Ultimately, it would take a literal interpretation of the Comstock Act by both the DOJ and the Supreme Court to reach North Carolina. To do so, the Act would have to restrict FDA approval of mifepristone and misoprostol, receive DOJ support, and find Supreme Court backing. It is more likely that a reemergence of the Act would impact access to mailed abortion medication in states where abortion is illegal. Yet, the possibility of the Act reaching North Carolina is not implausible, and the possibility of the Comstock Act’s revival from relic to reality may be looming in the near future.


[1] David Schultz & John R. Vile, The Encyclopedia of Civil Liberties in America, 87–88 (Taylor & Francis Group, 2005).

[2] Id. at 88; Mabel Felix, et al., The Comstock Act: Implications for Abortion Care Nationwide, Kaiser Family Found. (Apr. 15, 2024), https://www.kff.org/womens-health-policy/issue-brief/the-comstock-act-implications-for-abortion-care-nationwide/.

[3] Id.

[4] Id.

[5] See id.

[6] Anthony Comstock’s “Chastity” Laws, The Pill, https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/pill-anthony-comstocks-chastity-laws/#:~:text=Anthony%20Comstock%20was%20jubilant%20over,trade%20on%20a%20state%20level.&text=New%20England%20residents%20lived%20under%20the%20most%20restrictive%20laws%20in%20the%20country.

[7] See id.

[8] See Schultz, supra note 1, at 207.

[9] Id.

[10] Schultz, supra note 1, at 208.

[11] See id.

[12] See id. at 14–40.

[13] See United States v. One Package, 86 F.2d 737, 739 (2d Cir. 1936).

[14] See id. at 739–40.

[15] See Miller v. California, 413 U.S. 15, 24 (1973) (limiting obscene material to the confines of a strict three-part test).

[16] Griswold v. Connecticut, 381 U.S. 479, 485 (1965); Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113, 165 (1973).

[17] See Ebba Brunnstrom, Abortion and the Mails: Challenging the Applicability of the Comstock Act Laws Post-Dobbs, 55 Colum. Human Rights L. Rev. 1, 3 (2024).

[18] 18 U.S.C. §§1461–62.

[19] See supra, note 17.

[20] E.g.,Felix, supra note 2.

[21] See id.

[22] Annalies Winny, The Threat to Abortion Rights You Haven’t Heard Of, Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health (May 31, 2024), https://publichealth.jhu.edu/2024/how-the-comstock-act-threatens-abortion-rights.

[23] See supra, note 2.

[24] Id.

[25] See transcript of Oral Argument at 26–91, FDA v. All. for Hippocratic Med., 144 S. Ct. 1540 (2024).

[26] Alison Durkee, JD Vance and Project 2025 Want to Use This 19th Century Law to Ban Abortion Without Congress, Forbes (Jul. 18, 2024), https://www.forbes.com/sites/alisondurkee/2024/07/18/jd-vance-and-project-2025-want-to-use-this-19th-century-law-to-ban-abortion-without-congress/.

[27] Letter from J.D. Vance, et al., U.S. S. to Hon. Merrick B. Garland, Att’y Gen. (Jan. 25, 2023), https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/24834197-20230123-letter-on-comstock-to-doj.

[28] See id.

Free Photo of Fish Bait Stock Photo

Trent Turk

In 2018, the North Carolina General Assembly passed a slate of amendments to the State Constitution.[1] Among these amendments was the creation of a State Constitutional right to hunt, fish, and harvest wildlife.[2] The amendment was ratified in 2018 by 57% of North Carolina voters.[3]

Now codified as N.C. CONST. Art. I. § 38, the provision reads:

 “The right of the people to hunt, fish, and harvest wildlife is a valued part of the State’s heritage and shall be forever preserved for the public good. The people have a right, including the right to use traditional methods, to hunt, fish, and harvest wildlife, subject only to laws enacted by the General Assembly and rules adopted pursuant to authority granted by the General Assembly to (i) promote wildlife conservation and management and (ii) preserve the future of hunting and fishing. Public hunting and fishing shall be a preferred means of managing and controlling wildlife. Nothing herein shall be construed to modify any provision of law relating to trespass, property rights, or eminent domain.”[4]

On November 10th, 2020, a group of individuals spearheaded by the Coastal Conservation Association of North Carolina filed a lawsuit against the State of North Carolina, alleging that the State was “fail[ing] to satisfy its obligation” to protect the fish population of the State under the public-trust doctrine and the new constitutional right.[5] Specifically, the plaintiffs alleged that “the State has breached its duties under the public-trust doctrine by mismanaging North Carolina’s coastal fisheries resources, resulting in a decades-long, uninterrupted, dramatic decline in these resources overall, as well as a decline in the health of multiple, specific species and/or stocks of these fish.”[6] They further alleged, “The once vibrant public fishing for [popular fish species] in North Carolina’s coastal waters has all but vanished.”[7]

As stated in Fabrikant, “The public-trust doctrine is a common law principle providing that certain land associated with bodies of water is held in trust by the State for the benefit of the public.”[8] It is ancient in its origins but was first recognized in North Carolina in 1903.[9] “The public-trust doctrine… involves… public-trust lands which are lands and associated bodies of water that the State holds in trust for the benefit of the public; and Public-trust rights, which are  those rights held in trust by the State for the use and benefit of the people of the State in common.”[10]

Plaintiffs’ essential argument was that the public-trust doctrine, as paired with the new amendment, “imposes a fiduciary duty on the State to manage and regulate the harvest of these fish in a way that protects the right of current and future generations of the public to use public waters to fish.”[11]

It took the State only a short time to respond to this complaint with a motion to dismiss.[12] The State claimed sovereign immunity from the suit, that the public-trust doctrine did not create an affirmative fiduciary duty on the State, that the public-trust doctrine did not create a cause of action because only the State has the power to enforce the doctrine, and that the State was not violating the constitutional rights of its citizens in regards to its regulation of the fisheries.[13]

The Wake County Superior Court denied this motion in its entirety, and the State immediately appealed from that order.[14]

The key decision the North Carolina Court of Appeals was tasked with making was whether or not the North Carolina constitutional right to hunt and fish places an affirmative constitutional duty on the State to preserve the fish population for the people of the State. The Court answered this question with a resounding and unanimous yes.[15]

Judge Hampson, writing for a unanimous Court, held, “The State contends the language of [N.C. CONST. Art. I. § 38] places no affirmative constitutional mandate on the State to preserve the right of the people to hunt, fish, and harvest wildlife for the public good. We disagree.”[16] Looking to the wording of the provision, the Court held, “[t]he plain meaning of… ‘shall be forever preserved’ places an affirmative duty on the State to protect the people’s right to fish.”[17]

The Court rejected wholesale the State’s contention that N.C. CONST. Art. I. § 38 means only that the State must liberally permit the public to engage in hunting and fishing activity.[18]  Instead, the Court found that such a duty must exist because “the right to fish and harvest fish would be rendered meaningless without access to fish . . . Therefore, the State’s duty necessarily includes some concomitant duty to keep fisheries safe from injury, harm, or destruction for all time.”[19]

The Court also agreed with plaintiffs and held that “protecting fisheries falls within the purview of the public-trust doctrine . . . .”[20] The Court also held, as a matter of first impression, that claims under the public-trust doctrine are not barred by sovereign immunity.[21]

Because the plaintiffs were alleging colorable claims under the North Carolina Constitution and the public-trust doctrine, the Court held that none of the State’s claims to sovereign immunity had merit.[22] Since plaintiffs also alleged “facts, which if proven, may tend to show the State did not properly manage the fisheries so as to forever preserve the fish populations for the benefit of the public,” the motion to dismiss for failure to state a claim was also properly denied.[23]

Substantial questions still remain about the extent of the right to hunt and fish in North Carolina. The first being whether the holding will be disturbed in any way by the North Carolina Supreme Court. The decision also begs the question of what exactly the State’s duty looks like in practice and how it will be enforced in the future.

These questions will have to be answered in the near future. For now though, we are left with the powerful pronouncement that the State of North Carolina must keep our fisheries “safe from injury, harm, or destruction for all time.”[24]

[1] See Joel Luther, What Would The Six Constitutional Amendments On The NC Ballot Do?, DUKE TODAY (October 25, 2018), https://today.duke.edu/2018/10/what-would-six-constitutional-amendments-nc-ballot-do.  

[2] N.C. CONST. Art. I. § 38.

[3] See North Carolina Election Results, N.Y. TIMES(May 15, 2019, 2:10 PM), https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2018/11/06/us/elections/results-north-carolina-elections.html.

[4] N.C. CONST. Art. I. §. 38.

[5] Plaintiffs’ Complaint at 2-3, Coastal Conservation Ass’n v. North Carolina (N.C. Super. 2020) (20-CV-012925) 2020 WL 13032832.

[6] Id. at 6.

[7] Id. at 7.

[8] Fabrikant v. Currituck Cty., 174 N.C. App. 30, 41, 621 S.E.2d 19, 27 (NC. App. 2005).

[9] Shepard’s Point Land Co. v. Atl. Hotel, 132 N.C. 517, 528, 44 S.E. 39, 42 (N.C. 1903).

[10]Town of Nags Head v. Richardson, 260 N.C. App. 325, 334, 817 S.E.2d 874, 882 (N.C. App. 2018).

[11] Plaintiffs Complaint, supra note 5 at 109.

[12] Defendant’s Motion to Dismiss at 1, Coastal Conservation Ass’n v. State of North Carolina  (N.C. Super. 2021) (20-CV-012925) 2021 WL 7161607.

[13] Defendant’s Brief in Support of its Motion to Dismiss at 1-2, Coastal Conservation Ass’n v. State of North Carolina  (N.C. Super. 2021) (20-CV-012925) 2021 WL 7161607

[14] Coastal Conservation Ass’n v. State of North Carolina, No. 20-CVS-12925, 2021 WL 9405572, at 1 (N.C.Super. July 28, 2021).

[15] Coastal Conservation Ass’n v. State, 2022-NCCOA-589, ¶ 34.

[16] Id.

[17] Id. at ¶ 37.

[18] Id.

[19] Id.

[20] Id. at ¶ 18.

[21] Id.

[22] Id. at ¶ 21, 30, 40.

[23] Id. at ¶ 39.

[24] Id. at ¶ 37.


Photo by Maël BALLAND via Pexels

American Humanist Association v. Maryland-National Capital Park

In this First Amendment case, the Fourth Circuit reversed the District Court’s ruling that a 40-foot tall Latin cross, established as a monument to fallen soldiers of World War I, did not violate the Establishment Clause. The entire panel found the plaintiffs had standing to challenge the monument’s constitutionality, and a majority found that the Lemon test was satisfied, with one judge dissenting. Consequently, the Fourth Circuit found the Latin cross unconstitutional and reversed.

Borzilleri v. Mosby

In this First Amendment case, the plaintiff was relieved of her position as Assistant State Attorney following the election of her new boss, the defendant-State Attorney. The plaintiff sought damages for violations of her freedom of association and speech. The Fourth Circuit, in upholding the District Court’s dismissal of all claims, found the defendant was entitled to qualified immunity under the theory of political patronage.