By Alina Buccella

In March of 2008 and 2009, the plaintiff, Aaron Ross, participated in a PETA protest of the visiting Barnum and Bailey Circus in Baltimore. He was arrested on both occasions by Officer Early for leaving the designated protest zone around the circus arena and refusing to comply with the officer’s warnings to return to those areas. The designated protest zones, as well as the policy for how to handle arrests of the protestors, were laid out in a Policy memo by Baltimore’s Chief Legal Counsel, Linda Barclay. The Policy provided that “any protestors” would be asked to move to and stay in one of three designated areas around the arena to avoid sidewalk congestion. After his arrests, the plaintiff sued the City and argued that the Policy constituted a facial violation of the First Amendment. The lower court granted summary judgment to the City. The plaintiff appealed, but stipulated to using intermediate scrutiny to analyze if the Policy was an appropriate time, place, and manner restriction on free speech. (For a discussion of the plaintiff’s claim of common law and constitutional tort against Officer Early, dismissed in the lower court, see the opinion here.)

The Fourth Circuit found that the Policy did not violate the First Amendment because it was a permissible time, place, and manner limitation on speech. The Policy regulated protected speech in a traditional public forum, the sidewalk surrounding the arena, and thus in order to be a permissible restriction, the City had the burden of showing that the Policy was content neutral, narrowly tailored to achieve a substantial government interest, and allowed ample alternative channels of communication. The court confirmed, even though the parties had stipulated, that intermediate scrutiny was the appropriate standard by relying on Ward v. Rock Against Racism, 491 U.S. 781 (1989).

The Policy was content neutral because it applied to “any protestors,” thus satisfying the first prong of the test for a permissible time, place, and manner restriction.

As to the second prong, in order to show that the Policy was narrowly tailored, the City had to prove that it promoted a substantial government interest that would be less effectively achieved if not for the regulation. The City also had to show that the Policy did not hinder speech any more than necessary to achieve the substantial government interest. The substantial government interest advanced by the Policy was to maintain public safety and avoid blocking the sidewalks in an attempt to accommodate both the circus patrons and the PETA protestors. The court found that the protestors were a “plausible threat to the orderly flow of pedestrian traffic and, concomitantly, public safety,” thus, the interest of the City in promoting the Policy was substantial, and the Policy helped to advance the City’s interest. The Policy also did not overreach its bounds, and the court held that it did not hinder speech any more than necessary to achieve its purpose.

Finally, the court found for the City on the third prong, noting that there were ample alternative channels for communication left open by the Policy because the protestors were able to reach their intended audience even if they stayed within the designated protest areas.

Because the City met its burden of proof on all three elements of the test, the Fourth Circuit held that the Policy was a permissible time, place, and manner restriction on protected speech in a public forum.

By Robert Samuel

American universities are known both for their students’ enthusiasm for alcohol and for producing popular student-run newspapers.{{1}}But is there a connection between alcohol consumption and student media?  The Virginia Beverage Control Board (“VBCB”), an agency of the Commonwealth of Virginia, said “yes.”  To counter this perceived problem, the VBCB promulgated a regulation that prohibits the “advertisements of alcoholic beverages” in “college student publications unless in reference to a dining establishment.”{{2}} The dining establishment exception is narrow, as these advertisements “shall not contain any reference to particular brands or prices.”{{3}}

VBCB’s college newspaper regulation costs the publishers of the student newspapers at Virginia Tech (The Collegiate Times) and the University of Virginia (The Cavalier Daily) a combined $60,000 a year in advertising revenue.{{4}}  Accordingly, the two newspapers filed a lawsuit in the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia, arguing that the law unconstitutionally violated the free speech clause of the First Amendment.  In the case—Education Media Co. at Virginia Tech, Inc. v. Swecker(“Swecker”)—the district court granted summary judgment for the college newspapers, permanently enjoining enforcement of the regulation and holding that the law facially violated the First Amendment.{{5}}  The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit, however, reversed and remanded, vacating the permanent injunction because it found the statute to be facially constitutional.{{6}}  The Supreme Court denied the college newspapers’ petition for writ of certiorari.{{7}}

This essay will argue the Fourth Circuit wrongly decided the case for two reasons: (1) its holding is inconsistent with Supreme Court guidance on commercial speech; and (2) it failed to determine that 5-20-40 is an unconstitutional financial regulation on a narrow sector of the media.  Regulation of vice advertisements has consistently confounded courts.{{8}}  The Fourth Circuit did little to settle the law on the subject in Swecker, and the Supreme Court should use its next opportunity to clarify the scope of the First Amendment’s protection.  If it does not, college newspapers will continually be pinched by state regulations that do little to advance their stated interests while also violating the First Amendment rights of an important segment of the press that has few resources to protect itself in courts.

I.  The First Amendment, Commercial Speech,
and Vice Regulation

The Supreme Court first explicitly recognized First Amendment protections of truthful and non-misleading commercial speech about lawful products in the 1970s.  The Court explained that the protection of commercial speech is necessary for preserving “a predominantly free enterprise economy.”{{9}}  The Supreme Court stated that it is “a matter of public interest that [private economic] decisions, in the aggregate, be intelligent and well informed.”{{10}}  The Court held that the “highly paternalistic approach” of preventing the dissemination of truthful and non-misleading speech to be inconsistent with the First Amendment.  Thus, the First Amendment even protects a communication that “does no more than propose a commercial transaction.”{{11}}

The Supreme Court created a four-part test for determining the constitutionality of commercial speech regulations in Central Hudson Gas & Electric Corporation v. Public Service Commission.{{12}}  First, the speech must concern lawful activity and not be misleading.{{13}}  Second, the government must assert a “substantial interest” in regulating the speech.{{14}}  If both the first two prongs are satisfied, the courts next “must determine whether the regulation directly advances the governmental interest asserted.”{{15}}  Fourth, courts are required to conclude whether the regulation is “not more extensive than is necessary to serve that interest.”{{16}}

In Swecker, the Court quickly and correctly determined the regulation of alcohol advertisements in college newspapers passed the first two prongs.  The Fourth Circuit, however, ran afoul of Supreme Court precedent in its analysis of the third and fourth of theCentral Hudson factors.  The Fourth Circuit found that section 5-20-40 satisfied the third prong of the Central Hudson test because the regulation advanced the substantial interest of curbing binge and underage drinking “directly and materially.”{{17}}  In making its determination, the court relied on the Supreme Court guidance that the advancement “need not be proven by empirical evidence; rather, it may be supported by ‘history, consensus, and simple common sense.’”{{18}}

Judge Shedd’s majority opinion explained that college students are particularly attracted to the college newspapers’ publications.{{19}}  This fact combined with the evidence that alcohol distributors merely desired to advertise in the college newspapers was enough for the court to find that the VBCB satisfied the link between advertisements and underage and binge drinking.  The court wrote, “It is counterintuitive for alcohol vendors to spend their money on advertisements in newspapers with relatively limited circulation, directed primarily at college students, if they believed these ads would not increase demand by college students.” {{20}}

The Fourth Circuit’s reasoning on Central Hudson’s third prong cannot be squared with Supreme Court precedent.  The Supreme Court has explicitly held that the four-part Central Hudson test comprises an intermediate level of review.{{21}}  The Court has held “this burden [on the government] is not satisfied by mere speculation or conjecture.”{{22}}  A regulation such as section 5-20-40 “may not be sustained if it provides only ineffective or remote support for the government’s purpose”{{23}} or if there is “little chance” the regulation will substantially advance the state’s goal.{{24}}  The Supreme Court has highlighted the importance of the third prong of Central Hudson, stating it “is critical; otherwise, ‘a State could with ease restrict commercial speech in the service of other objectives that could not themselves justify a burden of commercial expression.’”{{25}}

No reasonable reading of the record in Swecker could lead to a view that section 5-20-40 directly and materially advances the Board’s substantial interest in preventing binge drinking by college students.  As the district court noted, no witness testified that section 5-20-40, which has been in effect for decades, has ever advanced or alleviated the problems of underage and binge drinking.{{26}}  The VBCB additionally provided no comparison to drinking behavior at universities without advertising bans.  VBCB’s expert witness, Dr. Henry Saffer, opined that bans on alcohol advertising are only effective when no substitute exists for the prohibited media.  Saffer testified that there are no media substitutes for the college newspapers because they uniquely target college students.{{27}}  The district court properly called Saffer’s statement “conjecture,” as any visit to a modern college dorm will reveal students saturated with a plethora of media platforms in the digital age.{{28}}

Thus, the evidence presented by the Board was at best “ineffective or remote” in furthering the interest of curbing underage and binge drinking.{{29}}  In effect, the Fourth Circuit failed to heed the Supreme Court’s warnings about regulations “in the service of other objectives that could not themselves justify a burden of commercial expression.”{{30}}  Because it has deemed the third-prong “critical,” the Supreme Court should have granted certiorari and reversed the Fourth Circuit.

But even if the Fourth Circuit’s analysis was correct under Central Hudson’s third prong, 5-20-40 fails the fourth prong of the Supreme Court’s test because it is “more extensive than is necessary to serve” the government’s interest of curbing underage drinking.  The Fourth Circuit, however, erroneously ruled that section 5-20-40 was sufficiently narrowly tailored to satisfy the fourth prong.  In support of its view, the court noted that the regulation is not a complete ban on alcohol advertising, as restaurants may still publicize they serve alcohol (but not brands and prices).  The Fourth Circuit also pointed out that the statute does not affect all publications available on college campuses.  The court additionally praised the Board for combining section 5-20-40 with education and enforcement programs.  The Fourth Circuit’s findings, however, are inconsistent with Supreme Court guidance on when a commercial speech law fails to adhere to the fourth prong’s requirements.

The Supreme Court has held that the fourth prong of the Central Hudson requires that the statute be “not more extensive than is necessary to serve” a state’s substantial interest.{{31}}  The regulation of speech must be a last, and “not first,” resort.  The fit between the legislature’s ends and means need not be “perfect, but reasonable; that represents not necessarily the single best disposition but one whose scope is in proportion to the interest served.”{{32}}  Additionally, non-speech regulations “which could advance the Government’s asserted interest in a manner less intrusive to . . . First Amendment rights, indicates that [a commercial speech regulation] is more extensive than necessary.”{{33}}

The Fourth Circuit was incorrect in its decision that the regulation satisfied Central Hudson’s narrowly tailored requirement for two reasons: (1) section 5-20-40 is both under and over inclusive; and (2) the substantial interest of curbing underage and binge drinking can be addressed with regulations that do not infringe on speech.  Section 5-20-40 is over inclusive because it applies to both those under twenty-one and over twenty-one.  Both the Board and the college newspapers agreed that the majority of the readership of the college newspapers is over the age of twenty-one.{{34}}  The regulation is under inclusive because it only applies to college newspapers and not all media on campus.  Additionally, numerous non-speech regulations also could better serve the Board’s substantial interest.  Dr. Saffer, the Board’s expert witness, conceded that alcohol taxation and counter-advertising could reduce underage and bring drinking.  Dr. Saffer even stated “[i]ncreased taxation is more effective than advertising bans” in combating underage and binge drinking.{{35}}  Section 5-20-40 thus cannot survive Central Hudson’s narrowly tailored requirement.  The Supreme Court should use its next opportunity to better articulate its narrowly tailored rule to avoid future situations like the one in Swecker.

II.  The First Amendment and Regulations on a
Narrow Sector of the Media

In accessing a Pennsylvania law similar to Virginia’s section 5-20-40, then Third Circuit Judge Samuel Alito held the regulation to be an unconstitutional financial restriction on a narrow sector of the media.{{36}}  In forming his opinion, Alito looked to the holdings of three Supreme Court cases—Grosjean v. American Press Co.,{{37}} Minneapolis Star & Tribune Co. v. Minnesota Commissioner of Revenue,{{38}} and Arkansas Writers’ Project, Inc. v. Ragland{{39}}—that found tax penalties on publications for crossing certain circulation thresholds or for publishing certain content to be unconstitutional.  Alito combined these holdings with the rule in Simon & Schuster, Inc. v. Members of the New York State Crime Victims Board—that all financial burdens, whether a tax or a regulation, on media organizations are evaluated in the same manner for the purposes of constitutional law—to find the restriction on alcohol advertising in college newspapers to be unconstitutional.{{40}}  Alito held that a content-based financial restriction in a narrow sector of the media to be presumptively unconstitutional and to be examined with strict scrutiny.{{41}}

Citing Pitt News, the college newspapers reiterated this argument, but the Fourth Circuit declined to address it.  Once again, the Fourth Circuit was in error.  One of the bedrock principles of the First Amendment is that the government cannot discriminate against different media properties based on their content alone.  As the Supreme Court has held, a law is presumptively unconstitutional if it “single[s] out the press” or “a small group of speakers.”{{42}}  The college newspapers lose approximately sixty-thousand dollars a year due to section 5-20-40.  Thus, Section 5-20-40 is unambiguously a financial content-based restriction.  Accordingly, the Fourth Circuit should have found section 5-20-40 to be facially unconstitutional because the Board did not present evidence that the regulation serves a compelling interest.

Conclusion

The Fourth Circuit ought to have found Section 5-20-40 to be facially unconstitutional because the record does not show it materially advances the Board’s  interest to curb underage and binge drinking; the statute is not narrowly tailored to serve this interest; and the statute places a financial burden on a narrow sector of the media.  The Fourth Circuit’s opinion represents a paternalistic court’s attempt to stealthy reduce the level of review of commercial regulations.  At its next opportunity, the Supreme Court should clarify that a state must show more than cursory evidence that a regulation materially and directly advances a state’s substantial interest.  Otherwise, a state can “with ease restrict commercial speech in the service of other objectives that could not themselves justify a burden of commercial expression.”{{43}}

 


        *    Robert Samuel holds an AB from Duke University, a MSc from the London School of Economics, and a JD from Wake Forest University School of Law, where he was the Executive Forum Editor for the Wake Forest Law Review.  He would like to thank his parents, Bob and Julie Samuel, and his wife Mary Jordan Samuel for their loving support throughout law school and the writing of this piece.

[[1]]   See Princeton Review Names Best College Newspapers, College Media Matters (Aug. 3, 2010), http://collegemediamatters.com/2010/08/03/princeton-review-names-best-college-newspapers/.[[1]] [[2]]   3 Va. Admin. Code § 5-20-40(A)(2) (2010).[[2]] [[3]]  Educ. Media Co. at Va. Tech, Inc. v. Swecker, No. 3:06CV396, 2008 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 45590, at *3 (E.D. Va. Mar. 31, 2008) (quoting 3 Admin. Code § 5-20-40(B)(3)).[[3]] [[4]]   See Educ. Media Co. at Va. Tech, Inc. Swecker, 602 F.3d 583, 587 (4th Cir. 2010), cert. denied, 131 S. Ct. 646 (2010).[[4]] [[5]]   See id. at 586.[[5]] [[6]]  Id. at 591.[[6]] [[7]]   Educ. Media Co. at Va. Tech, Inc. v. Swecker, 131 S. Ct. 646 (2010).[[7]] [[8]]   For example, one of the more recent Supreme Court opinions on the matter begins as follows:

Justice STEVENS announced the judgment of the Court and delivered the opinion of the Court with respect to Parts I, II, VII, and VIII, an opinion with respect to Parts III and V, in which Justice KENNEDY, Justice SOUTER, and Justice GINSBURG join, an opinion with respect to Part VI, in which Justice KENNEDY, Justice THOMAS, and Justice GINSBURG join, and an opinion with respect to Part IV, in which Justice KENNEDY and Justice GINSBURG join.

44 Liquormart, Inc. v. Rhode Island, 517 U.S. 484, 488–89 (1996).[[8]] [[9]]  Virginia State Bd. of Pharmacy v. Virginia Citizens Consumer Council, Inc., 425 U.S. 748, 765 (1976).[[9]] [[10]]   Id.[[10]] [[11]]  Id. at 776.[[11]] [[12]]   Cent. Hudson Gas & Elec. Corp. v. Pub. Serv. Comm’n, 447 U.S. 557, 566 (1980).[[12]] [[13]]   Id.[[13]] [[14]]   Id.[[14]] [[15]]   Id. [[15]] [[16]]   Id. [[16]] [[17]]   Educ. Media Co. at Va. Tech, Inc. Swecker, 602 F.3d 583, 589 (4th Cir. 2010), (quoting W. Va. Ass’n of Club Owners and Fraternal Serv. Inc. v. Musgrave, 553 F.3d 292, 303 (4th Cir. 2009)), cert. denied, 131 S. Ct. 646 (2010).[[17]] [[18]]   Id. (quoting Lorillard Tobacco Co. v. Reilly, 533 U.S. 525, 555 (2001) (citation omitted)). [[18]] [[19]]   Id. at 589–90 (Judge Shedd did not cite to any direct evidence for this finding). [[19]] [[20]] Id. at 590.[[20]] [[21]]   Florida Bar v. Went For It, Inc., 515 U.S. 618, 623 (1995) (“[W]e engage in ‘intermediate’ scrutiny of restrictions on commercial speech.”).[[21]] [[22]]   Edenfield v. Fane, 507 U.S. 761, 770–71 (1993).[[22]] [[23]]   Cent. Hudson Gas & Elec. Corp. v. Pub. Serv. Comm’n, 447 U.S. 557, 564 (1980).[[23]] [[24]]   Lorillard Tobacco Co. v. Reilly, 533 U.S. 525, 566 (2001); see also Pitt News v. Pappert, 379 F.3d 96, 107 (3d Cir. 2004).[[24]] [[25]]  Rubin v. Coors Brewing Co., 514 U.S. 476, 487 (1995) (quoting Edenfield, 507 U.S. at 771); see also Pitt News, 379 F.3d at 107.[[25]] [[26]]   Educ. Media Co. at Va. Tech, Inc. v. Swecker, No. 3:06CV396, 2008 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 45590, at *42 (E.D. Va. Mar. 31, 2008).[[26]] [[27]]   Id. at *40.[[27]] [[28]]   Id. at *46.[[28]] [[29]]   Cent. Hudson Gas & Elec. Corp. v. Pub. Serv. Comm’n, 447 U.S. 557, 564 (1980).[[29]] [[30]]   Edenfield, 507 U.S. at 771.[[30]] [[31]]    Cent. Hudson, 447 U.S. at 566. [[31]] [[32]]   Florida Bar v. Went For It, Inc., 515 U.S. 618, 632 (1995) (internal quotations omitted). [[32]] [[33]]    Rubin v. Coors Brewing Co., 514 U.S. 476, 491 (1995); see also First Amendment—Commercial Speech—Fourth Circuit Holds That A Regulation Largely Prohibiting Alcohol Advertisements in College Newspapers Is Constitutional.—Educational Media Co. at Virginia Tech v. Swecker, 602 F.3d 583, 124 Harv. L. Rev. 843, 847 (2011); Michael Hoefges, Protecting Tobacco Advertising Under the Commercial Speech Doctrine: The Constitutional Impact of Lorillard Tobacco Co., 8 Comm. L. & Pol’y 267, 308 (2003). [[33]] [[34]]    Educ. Media Co. at Va. Tech, Inc. v. Swecker, 602 F.3d 583, 587 n.1 (4th Cir. 2010), cert. denied, 131 S. Ct. 646 (2010). [[34]] [[35]]    Id. at 596 n.8. [[35]] [[36]]    Pitt News v. Pappert, 379 F.3d 96, 111 (3d Cir. 2004). [[36]] [[37]]    297 U.S. 233 (1936). [[37]] [[38]]   460 U.S. 575 (1983). [[38]] [[39]]    481 U.S. 221 (1987). [[39]] [[40]]    Pitt News, 379 F.3d at 111–12. [[40]] [[41]]   Id. at 110–11.[[41]] [[42]]   Leathers v. Medlock, 499 U.S. 439, 447 (1991); see also Pitt News, 379 F.3d at 111.[[42]] [[43]]   Edenfield v. Fane, 507 U.S. 761, 771 (1993).[[43]]

By Francisco M. Negrón, Jr.

Ask anyone to talk about bullying and schools and he or she will inevitably mention the Internet as a root cause.  The conversation is sure to include talk of perpetrators, victims, and what schools need to do to keep children safe.  This conversation is legitimate and understandable.  Indeed, ensuring safe environments for all students has long been a part of the public school mission.  But, the conversation frequently lacks an appreciation for the challenges associated with the competing constitutional tensions sometimes at play in cases of bullying.

It has been over four decades since the Supreme Court ruled in Tinker v. Des Moines that students do not leave their constitutional free speech rights at the school house gate simply because their views are unpopular and anti-majoritarian.{{1}}  (And, school districts may discipline students within the limitations of the First Amendment for on-campus, non-school sponsored speech if it collides with “the rights of other students to be secure and to be let alone;”{{2}} if the speech is “sexually explicit, indecent, or lewd;”{{3}} or if it “can reasonably be regarded as encouraging illegal drug use.”{{4}})  In more recent years, other jurists have weighed in even more pointedly to define exactly what we might understand to be unpopular or anti-majoritarian views.  While on the 3rd Circuit Court of Appeals, for instance, then Judge Alito wrote that even harassing speech in a school setting (or elsewhere) is not categorically denied First Amendment protection.{{5}}

The stage is thus set.  The challenge for schools is regulating speech that may contribute to a hostile environment, such as the kind of harassing speech referenced by Justice Alito, without overstepping constitutional bounds.  Public schools have long understood that students need safe environments in which to learn.  And, in recent years the federal government has attempted to mandate the elimination of hostile environments through its enforcement powers.  In October 2010, for instance, the U.S. Department of Education issued a much publicized missive to schools in which it noted that many cases of bullying may involve harassment prohibited by federal civil rights laws.  It decreed schools should eliminate harassment—and the hostile environment it creates—and to prevent it from reoccurring.{{6}}

But, one person’s harassment may be another’s sincerely held belief.  And, when a sincerely held belief is at play, the First Amendment scales tip against regulation, absent some other indicators that the speech will be disruptive or infringes on the rights of others.  Phrases on t-shirts, such as “Homosexuality is a Sin” followed by a Bible verse or “I Believe in Traditional Marriage,” may be just such expressions.  And, even if some phrases lack religious or political import on their face, courts suggest they may not be banned without more.{{7}}  School officials regulating this type of speech without any indicators of disruption or an infringement on the rights of others may subject themselves and their school districts to legal challenges.  On the other hand, if they allow the speech, particularly in a setting where, for instance, anti-gay discrimination has been an issue, federal guidance suggests the district may be allowing a hostile environment to continue.  And, because federal enforcement guidance demands schools eliminate harassment whether school officials had actual knowledge it was occurring, inadvertence is not likely to make much of a defense.

For public schools the quandary is a big one: Regulate potentially harassing messages expressing sincerely held religious or political beliefs and risk a private suit and its attendant cost and attorneys’ fees for violating a student’s constitutional rights, or risk federal enforcement action that threatens their federal funding for contributing to a hostile environment?

The matter is further complicated by the ubiquitous electronic forum to which students have broad access.  Bullying and harassment at times takes place over the Internet or through other electronic communication and occurs entirely off-campus.{{8}}  Disciplining students for speech is even more difficult when the speech occurs off-campus.  Significantly, none of the Supreme Court cases discussing disciplining students for speech contemplate whether school districts can discipline students for off-campus speech.  And, in the brave new world of social networking, linking speech that occurs in cyber space to disruption in school poses factual problems not contemplated by the Tinker court of yesteryear.  Unfortunately, to date the federal courts have provided little consistent guidance that helps schools determine the line dividing harassing speech and student free speech, particularly in cyberspace.  Only one federal circuit to date has definitely ruled whether and when a school district may discipline students for off-campus, Internet speech.{{9}}  And, the High Court’s recent denial of certiorari in some student cyber-speech cases suggests the Supreme Court is not yet ready to resolve existing circuit conflicts.{{10}}  Until then, schools will have little choice but to navigate carefully the dangerous waters between Scylla and Charybdis.


*  General Counsel, National School Boards Association.  Portions of this Essay have been adapted from a position statement for the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights Briefing on Inter-Student Violence, available athttp://www.eusccr.com/24.%20Francisco%20Negron,%20National%20School%20Boards%20Association.pdf. *[[1]]   393 U.S. 503, 514 (1969).[[1]] [[2]]   Id. at 508.[[2]] [[3]]   Bethel Sch. Dist. No. 403 v. Fraser478 U.S. 675, 684 (1986).[[3]] [[4]]   Morse v. Frederick, 551 U.S. 393, 397 (2007).[[4]] [[5]]   Saxe v. State College Area Sch. Dist., 240 F.3d 200, 210 (3d Cir. 2001) (holding that a school district’s anti-harassment policy was unconstitutionally overbroad).[[5]] [[6]]   “A school’s responsibility is to eliminate the hostile environment created by the harassment, address its effects, and take steps to ensure that harassment does not recur.”  Letter from Russlynn Ali, U.S. Dep’t. of Educ. Assistant Secretary for Civil Rights, to Colleagues: Harassment and Bullying, at 3–4 (Oct. 26, 2010), available at http://www2.ed.gov/about/offices/list/ocr
/letters/colleague-201010.pdf.  “If an investigation reveals that discriminatory harassment has occurred, a school must take prompt and effective steps reasonably calculated to end the harassment, eliminate any hostile environment and its effects, and prevent the harassment from recurring.”  Id. at 2–3.[[6]] [[7]]   See Saxesupra note 5; see also Zamecnik v. Indian Prairie Sch. Dist. #204, 636 F.3d 874, 878–79 (7th Cir. 2011) (reaffirming a panel decision granting summary judgment for a permanent injunction prohibiting school district from banning students from wearing “Be Happy, Not Gay” t-shirt).[[7]] [[8]]   Research by Amanda Lenhart at the Pew Research Center’s Internet & American Life Project indicates that most teens think bullying and harassment happens more offline than online.  See Amanda Lenhart, Cyberbullying 2010: What the Research Tells Us, Pew Internet (May 6, 2010), http://www.pewinternet.org/Presentations/2010/May/Cyberbullying-2010.aspx (select slide 14/29).[[8]] [[9]]   See Wisniewski v. Bd. of Ed. of the Weedsport Cent. Sch. Dist., 494 F.3d 34 (2d Cir. 2007) (applying Tinker’s substantial disruption test to off-campus speech that was “reasonably foreseeable” to come on-campus).  See also Kowalski v. Berkeley County Sch., 652 F.3d 565, 573 (4th Cir. 2011) (relying on the “nexus” of the student’s speech to the school), cert. denied, 132 S.Ct. 1095 (Jan. 17, 2012); J.S. ex rel Snyder v. Blue Mountain Sch. Dist., 650 F.3d 915, 931 (3d Cir. 2011) (applying Tinker to find that the school district failed to demonstrate reasonable forecast of substantial disruption), cert. denied, 132 S.Ct. 1097 (Jan. 17, 2012); Layshock v. Hermitage Sch. Dist., 650 F.3d 205, 214–215 (3d Cir. 2011) (finding that school had not shown sufficient nexus between online speech and the school), cert. denied, 132 S.Ct. 1097 (Jan. 17, 2012).[[9]] [[10]]   See cases cited supra note 9.[[10]]

By: Michael Kent Curtis*

Introduction

A.     The Issue

Faced with gay marriage in a few states, the Becket Fund for Religious Liberty and some scholars advocate exemptions from antidiscrimination laws for those with religious or moral objections to “facilitating” gay marriage.[1]  Advocates seek exemptions only in connection with gays and, at least initially, they connect the need for exemptions to gay marriage.  This Essay examines the claim for religious or moral exemptions in a broader social and historical context.  It asks why exemptions are sought only in the case of gays and whether the rationale for exemptions can reasonably be confined to “facilitating” gay marriage.  Would the claim for exemptions logically support exemptions from antidiscrimination laws in the case of discrimination against single and partnered gays?  Why should gays be treated differently from every other group protected by antidiscrimination laws, including Americans of African descent and women?  Can a claim for a religious exemption in the case of gay marriage be supported on the theory that a religious and biblical rationale was absent in the case of racial discrimination, but is present in the case of gays?  Can it be supported on the ground that religious exemptions for discrimination against gays would subject them to only minor inconvenience?  Would a similar rationale be persuasive in the case of religious exemptions for racial discrimination?

B.     The Merchants: The Restaurateur, the Landlord, the Baker, the Florist, and the Employer

Consider a restaurateur, a landlord, a baker, a florist, and an employer living in an American state in 1950.  (I will call them all merchants.)  In the absence of a state statute, the restaurateur could refuse to serve black people, the employer could refuse to hire well-qualified black people, the baker and florist could refuse to sell to black people, and the landlord or property owner could refuse to rent or sell real property to black people.

But some states, and finally Congress, passed civil rights laws that banned discrimination.  The 1964 Civil Rights Act banned discrimination based on race, religion, or national origin in public accommodations[2] and banned discrimination based on race, religion, national origin, or sex in employment, for most businesses with fifteen or more employees.[3]

For our purposes, assume our merchants’ state passed an antidiscrimination law that broadly banned race discrimination in public sales and accommodations, in sale and rental of real property, and in employment.  Assume the law covered our merchants, bakers, florists, and other groups that generally sell to the public and also covered landlords and employers.  The state antidiscrimination law was general and it provided for injunctions and damages against all these people if they refused to deal with black people (or white people, for that matter).

Our merchants, including the baker and florist, have strong religious views against integration.  They object to integration because they believe it will lead to interracial marriage, and they think that “race mixing” violates God’s word.  The merchants are hardly alone in their opposition to interracial marriage.  At the time of the Fourteenth Amendment, a substantial majority of states banned interracial marriage.[4]  As late as 1950, twenty-nine states still banned interracial marriage.[5]  In 1967, when the Supreme Court struck down the Virginia ban in the aptly named case of Loving v. Virginia,[6] sixteen states (including Virginia) still prohibited interracial marriage.[7]

Our merchants claim that their religious views should entitle them to an exemption from generally applicable antidiscrimination laws.  After Employment Division v. Smith, as we will see, their federal constitutional claim to an exemption would be a loser.[8]  We assume for purposes of our hypothetical, that it would be a loser in 1950 also.  So our merchants turn to their state legislature.

At first, our merchants wanted a general exemption from serving, selling to, employing, or renting apartments to black people.  But their state supreme court has recently struck down the state ban on interracial marriage.[9]  Now, our merchants are confronted with something more troubling to their consciences: a married or marrying interracial couple.  The issue was simple: they wanted an exemption in the commercial sphere for general, and religiously inspired race discrimination.  Is the issue now different because marriage is involved?  Must the restaurateur serve an interracial couple, the landlord rent them an apartment on the same terms as whites, and the employer hire a well-qualified spouse of an interracial couple?  Must the baker bake a wedding cake or the hotel owner, who regularly rents out space for wedding receptions, rent space for the interracial wedding?  Must the florist provide flowers?  When one of the employer’s white employees marries an American of African descent, may the employer discharge her for that reason?

For our merchants, interracial marriage is a grave sin, a violation of God’s word.  They do not want to be involved in the sin in any way at all.  Still, the law applies.  The Constitution does not protect their religiously motivated right to discriminate based on race.  On principle these merchants oppose all integration, and they would like a blanket exemption.  But as a matter of tactics, they decide to limit their claim initially to interracial marriage—they seek an exemption from facilitating interracial marriage.  Interracial marriage strikes them as the most unpopular form of integration, so it seems a good place to start their effort to achieve more general exemptions for race discrimination.  So they go to the legislature and seek an exemption for religiously and morally motivated discriminators, at least in the case of any connection with interracial marriage.  Should they get one?

They seek an exemption only from facilitating racial intermarriage.  Facilitating is a slippery term.  The baker, the florist, and the hotel owner suggest we start with freeing them from providing goods or locations for the ceremony.  The employer wants a broader exemption, one from employing one spouse from an interracial couple, the landlord wants an exemption from renting to them, and the merchant wants an exemption from selling to them.  Simply as a matter of public policy, should the legislature grant the exemptions?

No.  The important values underlying the need to destroy the racial caste system militate in favor of maintaining the general law and applying it generally.  Religious and moral exemptions will undermine the force of the law.  They may do more.  They may teach merchants that they have a religious right and duty to discriminate.  The Civil Rights Act of 1964 (generally without exemptions for religious or moral objectors) helped to solidify public rejection of segregation.  A law riddled with exemptions for religiously or morally motivated discriminators would, it is reasonable to suppose, have been far less effective.  Indeed, it might have dramatically changed the message sent by the law.

At the other end of the spectrum, as a matter of free speech and freedom of association, a segregationist church need not accept black members, the segregationist minister need not marry them, and the church that has spaces for receptions (limited to its own members) need not accommodate the interracial couple.

As to race today, thanks to civil rights laws and changing public sentiment (probably much influenced by those strong and general laws), the issue of an exemption to allow racial discrimination is remote.  But today many states have added sexual orientation to the categories protected by their antidiscrimination laws.  Today, as to sexual orientation, religious groups and some scholars are advocating religious exemptions from the law.  The advocates of exemptions have chosen to frame the issue around gay marriage.[10]

In what follows, I discuss exemptions from antidiscrimination laws in cases involving for-profit commercial activity—in employment, in housing, in providing commercial services to the public, and in public accommodations.  Most of these types of discrimination were prohibited in the 1964 Civil Rights Act[11] and, for housing, more broadly by the 1866 Civil Rights Act, as interpreted by the Court.[12]  There were limits as to the size of the establishment to which the 1964 Act applied in the case of employment discrimination.[13]  The limits were politically necessary to obtain the law, so they made pragmatic sense.  Except for a limited exemption for a small owner-occupied boarding house, there were no size limits on public accommodations, and there are now none under 42 U.S.C. Section 1982 for racial discrimination in the sale or rental of housing.[14]  There were exemptions under the 1968 Fair Housing Act.[15]  Certain exemptions, such as for churches hiring ministers, are right as a matter of free speech and association principles and are widely protected by antidiscrimination laws.

Race, gender, and sexual orientation should be treated the same.  So if the legislature should not give religious discriminators an exemption in the cases of race and gender, it should not give religious people (or others) who want to discriminate against gays in commercial matters an exemption either.  So far the focus has been on policy, and I have only raised the issue and suggested an approach.  The argument for this approach will follow.  Of course, the legal story is more complicated because of the federal[16] and state Religious Freedom Restoration Acts.[17]  But similar policy concerns apply as to the wisdom of exemptions.  In any case, it is useful to think about this issue in its historical context.

C.     Historical Background

The Declaration of Independence proclaimed that all men are created equal and endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights including life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.[18]  Most of us now understand the principle to include all people.  The Preamble of the Constitution announced its purpose to be, among other things, securing “the blessings of liberty.”[19]  Our nation’s story has been a story of efforts to expand the promise of American life to more and more people, including blacks, women, people of different religious faiths, of different national origins, and now, haltingly, gays.  Expansion has never been easy or linear.  Often the efforts have met fierce resistance.  Objections to expanding protection for civil rights of blacks and women (as well as arguments in favor of protecting these groups) were often religious and justified by citations to the Bible.[20]

The nation has extended liberty and equality to more and more people by constitutional amendment.  The Thirteenth Amendment banned slavery.[21]  The Fourteenth sought to provide equal citizenship, to nationalize civil liberty, and to provide equal protection and due process for all persons.[22]  The Fifteenth Amendment sought, for black males, to ban race discrimination in voting.[23]  The Nineteenth banned discrimination in the right to vote based on sex.[24]  The Twenty-Fourth Amendment outlawed the poll tax for federal elections (for Congress and the President).[25]  Of course, efforts were made in the states as well.  Court decisions sometimes also expanded liberty and equality.

We often think of the Supreme Court as the primary guardian of liberty and equality.  Over the long haul, however, the Court’s record on liberty and equality has been, to put it charitably, mixed.[26]  The Court even struck down or eviscerated early civil rights and civil liberties legislation.[27]

These amendments to the Constitution sought to expand the promise of American life, and some fine judicial decisions did also.  Still, constitutional amendment and judicial interpretation have been only one route.  Congress and the states have passed legislation promoting liberty and equality.[28]  Striking gains came from progressive legislation passed in the 1960s, including the Civil Rights Act of 1964[29] (passed pursuant to congressional power over commerce) and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.[30]  The 1964 Civil Rights Act barred discrimination laws based on race, religion, and natural origin.  These laws were designed to prevent, and, when that failed, to punish discrimination in access to places of public accommodation, such as hotels and restaurants, access to employment, and in 1968, access to housing.[31]  Another antidiscrimination law was the Equal Pay Act, requiring equal pay for women and men when they do comparable work.[32]

The Civil Rights Acts produced immense changes.  They went a long way toward obliterating a racial caste system and toward providing opportunities for women.  The 1964 Civil Rights Act had no exceptions for religious (or moral) objectors, beyond protecting the right of churches to hire ministers and other officials of their faith.[33]  No general national laws ban discrimination in housing, employment, and public accommodations based on sexual orientation, but many states and localities have passed such laws.[34]

Civil rights laws have enhanced not only equality, but practical liberty as well—the liberty to buy a home or rent an apartment of your choice, to enjoy equal access to hotels, and to take advantage of  many more practical liberties.  But opponents argued that such laws also contracted liberty, for example the liberty of the employer or the landlord or the merchant.[35]  The liberty or values allegedly infringed have included economic liberty and religious liberty.

Almost every step on the road to expanded equality has met determined resistance.  That was certainly true for race and gender equality.  It is true in the case of sexual orientation, even for very small steps.  Over twenty-five years ago, I tried to get the North Carolina legislature to reduce the “crime against nature” from a felony to a misdemeanor, in the case of consenting adults in private.[36]  North Carolina had even prosecuted a married couple for acts in their own bedroom.[37]  This small change in a more humane direction was successfully opposed by fundamentalist ministers.  Even after Lawrence v. Texas, North Carolina still refuses to repeal its crime against nature statute (a felony) as to private, consensual, non-commercial, adult sexual conduct.[38]  Of course, after Lawrence v. Texas the statute cannot today be generally applied to consenting adults in private.[39]

D.    No Constitutionally Required Exemptions Based on Religious Belief

In Employment Division v. Smith,[40] the Court denied Smith, a member of the Native American Church, a constitutional exemption from generally applicable laws that burdened religious conduct.[41]  Smith, a drug counselor, was denied unemployment benefits after he was discharged for violating an Oregon criminal law against illegal drug use.[42]  This was so even though the drug (peyote) was used in a sacred ceremony of his Native American religion.[43]

Court authority on the religious exemption issue has evolved.  At first the Court denied exemptions for religiously motivated conduct that violated generally applicable laws.  A Mormon polygamy case[44] is one of several examples.  Next, in unemployment cases and a few others, the Court sometimes required exemptions unless the state was pursuing a compelling state interest by narrowly tailored means.[45]  In Smith, the Court departed from that second line of cases.  Instead of following the cases requiring exemptions, the Court returned to its original rule that denied a religious exemption from generally applicable laws that burdened religiously motivated conduct.[46]

After Smith, the constitutional case for religious exemptions from generally applicable laws is weak.  Congress responded to Smith with the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (“RFRA” or “the Act”).[47]  Under the Act, the government (state and national) could not substantially burden the exercise of religion unless the government had a compelling interest in doing so and pursued this interest by narrowly tailored means.[48]  But, as applied to the states, the Court held the RFRA exceeded the power of Congress.[49]

So, religious groups have increasingly sought statutory exemptions from generally applicable laws that others must obey.  Their success in obtaining exemptions is remarkable, indeed, stunning.[50]  Many states give religious commercial organizations benefits denied to secular ones—to take one example from many, exemptions from health and safety laws for religious day care centers.[51]  These exemptions reflect political power.  If the rules are unreasonable, no one should have to obey them.  If, on the other hand, they offer reasonable protections to children, religious groups should have to obey them just as secular establishments must.  The issue here is different.

I.  The Issue

Assume a state law bans discrimination based on sexual orientation, as well as based on race and gender, in housing, employment, and public accommodations.  If gays were discriminated against based on sexual orientation in one of these areas, in violation of the state law, should those with religious objections be exempt from civil damages or injunctions for their violation of the law?  If so, when?  Should the exemption be constitutionally required?  Under the rule in Employment Division v. Smith, the answer to the constitutional question is no.

Since a federal constitutional exemption from state laws is not available (and the RFRA could not constitutionally be applied to the states), should the legislature engraft a religious or moral exemption onto its antidiscrimination statutes solely in the case of discrimination based on sexual orientation?  Should it pass state constitutional amendments doing the same thing?

In connection with gay marriage, the Becket Fund for Religious Liberty answers this question, “Yes.”  The Fund’s examples of conflict with sincere religious beliefs include religious objectors who decide not to hire people in same-sex marriages, who refuse to extend spousal benefits to same-sex couples, and who refuse to provide otherwise available housing to same-sex couples.[52]  After listing these examples, the Fund advocates legislation to provide “robust” accommodation to religious objectors to same-sex marriage.[53]  It also would expand the exemption to other “conscientious” objectors.[54]  Since the Fund also lists gay couples,[55] it seems its plan may end up going beyond gay marriage.  As a matter of logic it is hard to see why it should stop at married gays and not include gays living with their partners and single gays.

Assuming the state has a general antidiscrimination law and the legislature passes a religious or moral exemption only in cases of sexual orientation, what should be the dimensions of the claimed religiously or morally justified right to discriminate against gays?  Should the right to discriminate be limited only to immediately facilitating the gay marriage itself—baking the wedding cake, providing the flowers, supplying the hotel for the receptions, and so on?  Should it, as the Fund apparently advocates, include the right to discriminate against married gays after the marriage?  Should it, as the Fund advocates, cover housing, employment, and spousal benefits such as health insurance?  What about gays living with partners and unmarried gays?

If the Fund is correct about exemptions for discrimination against married and marrying gays, and if the right to discriminate expands to cover unmarried as well as married gays (why not, by this logic?), should the state or Congress also, as a matter of sound policy, provide religious or moral exemptions in cases of racial, religious, and gender discrimination?  Here we look at legislative policy decisions in commercial transactions, not at what the Constitution requires or provides.

If discrimination based on sexual orientation is closely analogous to discrimination based on race and gender, the policy answer to the questions should be the same: exemptions should be allowed to religious discriminators in race, gender, and sexual orientation cases or exemptions should be denied to religious discriminators in each case.  Should religiously motivated objectors to laws banning race (and gender) discrimination in employment and discrimination in public accommodations, for example, have been exempt from the strictures of the laws?  As a matter of public policy, should the 1964 Civil Rights Act—which banned discrimination based on race, religion, national origin, or sex in employment—have allowed religiously motivated objectors to discriminate against blacks or women or Buddhists?  Should those with religious or moral motivations have been exempt from the ban on discrimination in public accommodations under the 1964 Civil Rights Act?

At the moment, those who advocate exemptions focus on gay marriage.  Should religious objectors to interracial marriage now be allowed to (and, after Loving v. Virginia, should they in the past have been allowed to) discriminate against interracial couples in employment, housing, spousal benefits, and the rest?  If not, why is gay marriage unique?  More broadly, why is discrimination against gays unique?

Since I think discrimination based on sexual orientation is closely analogous to racial and gender discrimination, I turn next to that question.

II.  The Analogy to Race and Gender

A.     Why Race and Gender Are Analogous

Both race and gender are genetic.  For blacks the slavery experience and its aftermath were particularly awful.[56]  For a long time, both blacks and women lacked political power.  In the South particularly, it was for many years dangerous for blacks to exercise political rights or advocate against the racial caste system.  Both blacks and women suffered from denial of the right to vote and from denial of civil rights.

Discrimination based on sexual orientation is closely analogous to racial and gender discrimination.  Sexual orientation seems to be significantly affected by biological and genetic factors.[57]  At any rate, it is a basic part of who a person is.  There has been a long history of persecution and discrimination against gays for their sex lives, including first execution and later long prison sentences.[58]  Gays have been subjected to private violence and are more likely to attempt suicide.[59]  Because of intense prejudice, they have been victims of employment discrimination—even, until recently, by the United States government.[60]  Because of pervasive prejudice, gays were afraid to publicly acknowledge their orientation.  For many that remains true today.  As a result, for many years, gays could not effectively raise their concerns in the political process for fear of retaliation and persecution.

So, as a matter of public policy, legislation protecting people against discrimination based on sexual orientation—for example, in housing, employment, and public accommodations—generally should be treated as race and gender discrimination are treated.  Whatever one thinks about the role of the courts on constitutional issues, the principle here is directed at legislation and attempted constitutional amendments providing a religious defense for violating antidiscrimination laws that protect gays.  Of course, laws banning discrimination based on sexual orientation protect everyone else too, since all people have sexual orientations.

The analogy to race or gender (as with all analogies) is not perfect.  Awful and pervasive race discrimination in housing, employment, and public accommodations reached far more black people because they were easily identifiable.  Typically, one can tell by visual inspection that a person is an American of African descent[61] or is a woman.  That is not generally so for gays.  So unless discovered, gays could often escape discrimination and persecution.  They could not, however, escape the fear of discovery, discrimination, and persecution, or the chilling effect that fear had.  And, except by hiding their identity (for example, by refraining from doing things in public that heterosexuals do, such as holding hands), they could not escape discrimination and persecution.

Fear of discrimination and persecution had a silencing effect for many years.  Fear imposed political as well as personal costs.  One cost for many years had (and to some extent has) been an inability to advocate for gay rights in the political process.[62]  In addition, the personal dilemma of hiding a central part of a person’s identity and the fear of confronting prejudice and discrimination impose great emotional costs.  As with race and gender, the greatest harm may be to the human spirit, the harm inflicted when gays internalize the message sent by hostility and discrimination.  The suicide rate among gay youth is one of many indicators.[63]  There were, and are, psychological costs to racial and gender discrimination too.

Of course, once it becomes acceptable, and indeed a religious duty, to discriminate against gay people, the religious discriminators face a serious problem.  They have a duty to discriminate, or (as supporters of a right to discriminate frame it), to at least not facilitate the gay lifestyle.  But many closeted gays and even out gays might slip through the net due to the lack of an effective detection device.  There is no easy solution to this problem, but there is one solution, imperfect though it is.  The religious discriminator can post a sign and put a notice on his or her website.  “We do not serve gays.”  “No gays need apply.”  “We do not rent to gays.”  There is, of course, historical precedent for this approach: “No Irish Need Apply”; “Whites Only.”[64]  Once one frames discrimination against gays as the exercise of religion and as a religious duty, of course the religiously motivated discriminator must do what he can.

B.     The Attempt to Distinguish Race and Gender from Sexual Orientation Based on a Unique Religious Basis with Reference to Homosexuality

One might seek to distinguish discrimination based on race (or gender) and discrimination based on sexual orientation on the ground that discrimination based on sexual orientation is sometimes based on sincere religious conviction while presumably that would not be the case for racial discrimination or gender discrimination.  Professor Robin Wilson makes this argument in connection with public accommodations and gay marriage: “The religious and moral convictions that motivate objectors to refuse to facilitate same-sex marriage simply cannot be marshaled to justify racial discrimination.”[65]  An examination of American history shows the proposed distinction is baseless.  Slavery,[66] racial discrimination and segregation,[67] and opposition to women’s rights[68] were all supported by strong religious arguments bolstered by citations to the Bible.[69]  As scholarly work has shown, these religious views were deeply held by many people.[70]  That Professor Wilson finds it impossible to marshal religious arguments for segregation is, to a great degree, a tribute to the success of the Civil Rights Movement and civil rights laws, generally without exemptions for religious objectors.

Not only could religious arguments for segregation be marshaled, they were marshaled.  For example, Senator Robert Byrd of West Virginia cited the Bible in opposition to the Civil Rights Act of 1964.[71]  Reverend Jerry Falwell attributed the Brown v. Board of Education desegregation decision to Chief Justice Warren’s failure to know and follow God’s word; Falwell also preached against racial intermarriage.[72]  Falwell and Byrd were not alone.

The trial judge who upheld Virginia’s anti-miscegenation statute in the 1967 case of Loving v. Virginia cited the fact that God had put the races on separate continents as proof “that he did not intend for the races to mix.”[73]  Earlier, in 1867, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court upheld segregation in railway cars.[74]  The court explained that “[t]he natural law which forbids [racial intermarriage] and that social amalgamation which leads to a corruption of races, is as clearly divine as that which imparted to [the races] different natures.”[75]  The Pennsylvania court’s appeal to divine authority was used by state supreme courts in Indiana, Alabama, and Virginia to support the validity of statutes banning interracial marriages and by decisions in Alabama and Kentucky to support segregation of transportation and higher education.[76]  The latest use of this language came in a 1955 Virginia decision.[77]  “[T]he theology of separate races constituted a kind of cultural religion that permeated the hearts and minds of attorneys and judges throughout the courts of the South for a hundred years after the Civil War.”[78]

Jane Dailey has explicated the religious and biblical case for segregation.[79]  The religious case for racial separation was based on a type of selective biblical literalism.  By this reading of the Bible, a reading which cited a number of Bible verses, “God Himself” had drawn boundary lines to keep races and peoples separate, or at least to keep them from intermarriage and having sex across the boundaries.  Concern about one type of sexual activity was at the heart of the religious case for segregation.  According to segregationists, race mixing would lead to interracial marriage and interracial sex, contravening God’s plan.  Mississippi Senator Theodore G. Bilbo explained that “miscegenation and amalgamation are sins of man in direct defiance with the will of God . . . .”[80]  A professor at Mississippi’s leading Baptist institution announced, “[O]ur Southern segregation way is the Christian way . . . .  [God] wast the original segregationist.”[81]  A writer in the Baptist Standardagreed: “God created and established the color line . . . .”[82]

Although leading clergymen, including Baptist, Methodist, Episcopalian, Jewish, Church of Christ, Unitarian, and other religious leaders, rejected the religious argument for segregation, Professor Dailey shows it was a quite widely held belief.[83]  Dailey surveyed a number of sources: resolutions from churches, a resolution from the Daughters of the American Revolution (“racial integrity” was a “fundamental Christian principle”), a decision of the Florida Supreme Court, and letters to Thomas B. Stanley, the Governor of Virginia, in response to the Brown decision.  Jane Dailey’s survey showed that “[m]ost who wrote [Governor Stanley] objected to integration.  The most common argument of the dissenters was theological: integration encouraged miscegenation, which contradicted the divine word.”[84]  The claim that opposition to homosexuality or gay marriage is religious, while opposition to integration and interracial marriage was not, is mistaken.

Of course, humane religious and biblical arguments were made against discrimination based on race, or gender, and have been made in the case of sexual orientation.  Powerful religious arguments were also made against slavery.[85]  While there are problematic Bible passages about homosexuality,[86] (and slavery, and the subordination of women), there are passages that militate in the other direction.[87]

As in the case of homosexuality, problematic passages were cited to support slavery.[88]  As to race, and to some extent as to gender, religious arguments for equality have mostly carried the day.  As to sexual orientation, the controversy is continuing, although an increasing number of major denominations are beginning to support gay equality.[89]  Still, religious opposition to gay marriage is extensive.

One could dismiss and distinguish segregationist religious views on race and opposition to women’s equality as bigotry, but bigotry can be founded on sincerely held religious views.  The categories of bigotry and sincere religious belief are not always mutually exclusive.  Past advocates of racial and gender discrimination and subordination are entitled to the same presumption of sincerity as current opponents of gay equality.  Many believed the religious argument against integration and interracial marriage, just as many people believe the religious arguments against gay equality and liberty.

Opposition to gender equality was also often religious.  While segregationists insisted that God intended the races to remain separate, opponents of gender equality insisted that God had decreed a special (wife and mother) sphere for women who were to be ruled by their husbands.[90]  Denial of basic civil rights for married women, denial of the right to enter the professions, to vote, and even to speak in public to men as well as women were all defended as God’s plan.  The defenders relied on Bible verses.

C.     Purported Distinction Based on Hostility to (Presumed) Gay Conduct

One can argue that discrimination against gays is about conduct (gay sex) while segregation was not.  But, segregation was about conduct: the conduct of race mixing; the conduct of a black person entering a white-only railroad car or a white-only hotel or restaurant; or, most dramatically, sexual conduct—blacks having sex with or marrying whites.[91]  Fear of interracial sex (sexual conduct) was a leading religious argument for segregation.[92]

Similarly, in the case of discrimination against gays, one can insist on the distinction between discriminating against a person because of who the person is (which is contrary to our most basic commitment to equality) and discriminating based on what the person does (which may seem a matter of prudential judgment and not inherently wrong).  But, as the case of racial intermarriage shows, the categories converge.  The punishment for interracial sex was based on what the people did.  The white person was not punished because of what she was, but because of what she did.  The conduct-based crime supported the racial caste system.  The conduct-based crime of sodomy supported another loathsome caste system.

The conduct-versus-identity distinction involves other problems.  The facts are complex because of the varieties of sexual orientation.  Gay identity cannot be reduced to sex acts any more than the identity of heterosexuals can be so reduced.  Gay people are generally attracted to people of the same sex.  It is part, and just a part, of who they are, as distinguished from what they do.

Certain types of conduct are closely correlated with identity.  Heterosexuals, if sexually active, typically engage in heterosexual sex.  Gays, if sexually active, typically engage in gay sex.  In this case, and with reference to punishment by the state or denial of equal citizenship by private discrimination in the public commercial sphere, punishment allegedly based on conduct merges with punishment based on identity.  In this situation, the distinction between discrimination against the conduct and discrimination against the person is more formal than substantial.  And, of course, not all gay or straight people—single or married—are sexually active.

If a conduct distinction is thought to justify discrimination against married gays, just what is the conduct?  Marriage is a commitment to love, support, and cherish another person, and it provides certain state privileges, immunities, and duties.  If gays are discriminated against because they are married, then the disfavored conduct is shared by straight people, the only difference being that heterosexuals marry persons of a different sex.  Is that, as a matter of policy, a substantial basis for putting gays in a uniquely disfavored class—making gays the only covered group denied the general protection of antidiscrimination laws that ban discrimination based on race, gender, religion, national origin, and sexual orientation?  If the distinction is based on supposed sexual activity, that is, on the assumption that married gays are having non-procreative sex, then this distinction is flawed too because it is overbroad and under-inclusive.  Not all married people are sexually active and many heterosexuals engage in non-procreative sex.

It is hard to separate, but those who harbor hostility toward gays direct much of that hostility at them because of who gays “are.”  Hostile feelings make discriminating against gays more attractive.  In addition to gay marriage, hostility is also based on presumptions about gays’ sexual activity.  But a large number of heterosexuals engage in non-procreative sex (including, for example, birth control, and oral and anal sex),[93] and, so far at least, we have not seen proposals to allow religiously motivated discrimination in the public commercial sphere against such heterosexuals or against heterosexuals who marry and presumably engage in non-procreative sex.  As far as I know, a religious right to discriminate in the public, commercial sphere against straights who engage in non-procreative sex has never been advocated.  Indeed, the idea is ludicrous.

III.  Refusing to Facilitate Gay Marriage or a Broader Right to Discriminate Against Gays?  Reframing the Issue

Faced with the “threat” of gay marriage, religious conservatives and some scholars[94] advocate (qualified) religious exemptions for individuals who discriminate.  Some advocates of exemptions describe them as an exemption from “facilitating” gay marriage.  The scope of “facilitating” is vague.  After all, employment, housing, or spousal benefits such as health insurance for a married gay couple will facilitate gay marriage to some degree and refusal of these benefits and opportunities will to some degree deter it, or at least, help to disrupt it.  So might renting them a hotel room.  Groups like the Becket Fund have a robust view of “facilitation,” one that apparently includes employment, housing, spousal benefits, such as health insurance, and public accommodations.[95]

If there should be a qualified religious right to discriminate in the commercial sphere against married gay couples in employment, housing, businesses serving the public, and public accommodations, should the exemptions also cover single gays, gays with a same-sex roommate or a gay roommate, or gays who live with their partners?  If not, what exactly is the basis for discriminating against married but not unmarried gays?  Presumably many unmarried gays, like straight people, are often sexually active and many are in monogamous relationships.

For groups like the Becket Fund, is the focus on gay marriage a politically clever way to allow less protection for gays and greater protection for individuals who discriminate against gays in employment, public accommodations, and housing?  Again: If exceptions should be included now for those with religious objections to homosexuality, why, as a matter of sound public policy, should they not be included now (and have been included in antidiscrimination law in the past) for those with religious scruples that support gender and race discrimination?  If the hotel or restaurant should have a qualified right not to host the married gay couple, what about the married interracial couple?  In short, should exemptions have been allowed when religious opposition to integration and gender equality was far more socially acceptable?[96]

The focus on gay marriage by religious conservatives and by academic supporters of religious exemptions is opportune, but confusing.  We should not limit the discussion to discrimination against marrying or married gays or to gays alone.  To do so suggests that gays or married gays should be put in a unique and less robustly protected class, a class distinct from victims of race or gender discrimination.  Doing so begs the question I posed at the start of this Essay.  Should conservative religious believers be allowed a broad religious exemption from bans on, for example, racial discrimination in employment, housing, or public accommodations?

The fundamental issue is far broader than discrimination in connection with same-sex marriage.  The exemption issue is broader in at least two ways.  First, antidiscrimination laws have prohibited discrimination based on race or gender as well.[97]  (They did so when compliance collided with widely and deeply held religious convictions.)  For gays, similar legal protection is in its early stages.  In contrast to race, gays are not protected by a general national law against discrimination in employment, housing, or public accommodations, though there is protection under many state or local laws.[98]

Second, discrimination against gays has a much broader impact than, for example, merely refusing to bake a wedding cake for a gay marriage.  Discrimination need not be in any way connected to gay marriage, though it could be.  Narrowing the focus to those unwilling to be seen as assisting gay marriage appears to provide much narrower exemptions than the logic of the Becket Fund approach, for example, seems to advocate.  In any case, it fails to fully address the problem of more general discrimination against married gays or gays in general and the religious basis for that discrimination.  It fails to confront the views of many religious objectors to gay equality and liberty, views which would seem to call for more pervasive discrimination than that limited to providing services for the marriage.

Discrimination against gays is not typically tied to gay marriage, though gay marriage may make it easier to identify and so practice discrimination against gays.  A hotel or inn could refuse to serve gay couples because providing the bed would be assisting the “sin.”  With exemptions from antidiscrimination laws for gay marriage, marriage becomes, in effect, a proxy for being gay.

The obsessive focus on marriage may well obscure the broader protection proposed exemptions may provide for discrimination based on sexual orientation.  At any rate, it is hard to see marriage as a stopping point.  Groups seeking exemptions seem to be using the threat of gay marriage to obtain exemptions based on principles that go well beyond services for or in direct connection with gay weddings.  If successful, they are likely to weaken antidiscrimination laws that protect gays, even in the great majority of jurisdictions that ban gay marriage.  In any case, it is hard to see why discrimination against gays would (or from the religious objector’s perspective should) end after the vows are exchanged.  This critique does not extend to efforts to provide exemptions for churches and their ministers, for example.[99]

IV.  The Laycock Effort at Reconciliation

Professor Douglas Laycock has proposed narrower exemptions than, for example, what the Becket Fund seeks.  Laycock and Robin Fretwell Wilson have edited a book dealing with the conflict they see between gay marriage and religious liberty.[100]  Professor Laycock suggests the interests of religious minorities (or majorities, depending on the state) and sexual minorities could easily be on the same side.[101]  According to Professor Laycock:

In resisting legal and social pressures to conform to majoritarian norms, they make essentially parallel and mutually reinforcing claims against the larger society.  They claim that some aspects of human identity are so fundamental that they should be left to each individual, free of all nonessential regulation, even when manifested in conduct.  No human being should be penalized because of his beliefs about religion, or because of his sexual orientation.  And no human being should be penalized because of her religious practice, or because of her choice of sexual partners, unless her conduct is actually inflicting significant and cognizable harm on some other person.[102]

There is a problem with this worthy and moving effort at reconciliation.  The principle that no person should be harmed because of her choice of sexual partners is a worthy one.  So is the denial of an exemption for conduct that is “actually inflicting significant and cognizable harm on some other person.”  The problem is that these principles are inconsistent with the religiously inspired conduct of a person in the private sector (1) who discharges married (or single) gay people from their jobs, (2) who denies spousal or partner health insurance to them, or (3) who refuses to rent an apartment to gay people or to married gay people.  The principles are also inconsistent with the conduct of those who discriminate against married or marrying gays in commercial services available to everyone else.  Exemptions in all these areas seem to be contemplated by the Becket Fund, at least for the married.[103]  An individual who is discharged from a private sector job because of sexual orientation or his or her gay marriage, or denied the ability to purchase a house or rent an apartment of his or her choice, is harmed, often very grievously.  The problem persists even in the Laycock effort to limit the right to discriminate.  Discrimination based on sexual orientation also causes psychological harm.[104]  It is a mark of a caste system.  That is so regardless of whether the discrimination is motivated by religious belief.

As a constitutional matter, after Employment Division v. Smith,[105] a religious objection is not sufficient to bar application of generally applicable laws aimed at conduct (such as discrimination) rather than belief.  In contrast, religious beliefs, such as the sinfulness of homosexuality or the sinfulness of interracial marriage, are protected by the First Amendment.

The idea of discriminating against committed, recognized relationships, as opposed to uncommitted, potentially transient ones, is bizarre.  As we have seen, the Becket Fund proposes to accommodate religious conduct by individuals who, for example, discriminate against married gays in access to employment, to housing, to public accommodations, and to services of business serving the public.[106]

Professors Laycock and Wilson would accommodate at least some denials of service.  They provide more limited exemptions for discrimination based on religious or moral conviction.[107]

Professors Laycock and Wilson focus on discrimination against married or marrying gays, and so does the Becket Fund.  Today, in some twenty states,[108]antidiscrimination statutes now protect gays generally, with limited religious exemptions for churches and religious organizations.[109]  The religious exemptions that Professors Laycock and Wilson think should be written into these antidiscrimination statutes would often trump the discrimination claim, at least with reference to same-sex couples.  For the Becket Fund, it seems the exemptions would seemingly always trump the antidiscrimination claim.  In contrast, Professors Laycock and Wilson would recognize some exceptions.  Here is Professor Laycock’s explanation:

The scope of any right to refuse service to same-sex couples must depend on comparing the harm to the couple of being refused service and the harm to the merchant or service provider of being coerced to provide service.  What is most importantly at stake for each side is the right to live out core attributes of personal identity.  In my view, the right to one’s own moral integrity should generally trump the inconvenience of having to get the same service from another provider nearby.  Requiring a merchant to perform services that violate his deeply held moral commitments is far more serious, different in kind and not just in degree, from mere inconvenience.[110]

To protect against unfair surprise, Professor Laycock suggests a notice on a website or a sign in the door announcing the refusal of service should suffice.[111]  (How will it read?  “We will not serve gay couples”?)  Professor Laycock would perhaps limit the exemption to smaller businesses, but he gives no guidance as to what size limits he would prefer.[112]  He also would strike the balance differently if it could be shown that gays were pervasively denied service.[113]  Indeed, at times, he seems to narrowly circumscribe the right to discriminate: “[W]hen a particular merchant’s refusal to cooperate might actually delay or prevent the conduct he considers sinful, then he loses his rights and has to facilitate the sin.”[114]  If applied literally, this might swallow many exemptions.  On the other hand, allowing discrimination if non-discriminating merchants can be found seems a quite different test.

It is hard to see how this would work in the real world, particularly if applied to housing and employment.  An “is there an alternative?” version of a balancing test puts a thumb on the scale in a way that helps the religious discriminator.  In the “robust” exemptions sought by the Becket Fund the problem would be acute.  Would the gay person have to prove all or most businesses would discriminate against him or her?  The burden, presumably, of proving no acceptable alternatives, is on the plaintiff.  By that approach not only must a plaintiff prove discrimination, but what else?  That no other (nearby?) swimming parks accept married gays?  That another comparable and equally convenient house is not available to married gays, or just that no house is?  That a comparable job is not available or that no job is?  How many times must the plaintiff be turned down for employment?[115]

If the merchant has the burden of showing the exemptions, is he not participating in the sin?  By providing information on non-discriminating merchants, he will be facilitating the conduct he refused to be mixed up in.

In support of his effort at a balanced approach, Professor Laycock points to the Equal Access Act, by which both religious and gay clubs have access to school rooms after school hours.[116]  (Of course, as Professor Laycock notes, religious conservatives sought to deny equal access to the gay groups.)[117]  Free speech and association for both groups is a laudable development.  But it is fundamentally different from exemptions from laws banning discrimination based on sexual orientation.  Allowing diverse groups to meet to share common values and to express views (whether of acceptance or rejection of homosexuality) does not deny anyone a job or an apartment or access to services the rest of the community enjoys from a merchant.[118]  The Equal Access Act allows both sides use of school facilities.[119]  In contrast, religiously inspired discrimination against married gays (or against gays generally) denies them access to public accommodations, employment, services, and housing otherwise generally available to the public.

V.  A Principle and Examples of Application

As a matter of principle, discrimination based on sexual orientation should be as disfavored as racial or gender discrimination.  Should the Congress have embraced exemptions for race discrimination based on religious beliefs?

Consider these cases based on actual experiences, though the facts have been slightly modified.

Case 1.  A black former army officer returns to civilian life after service to his country.  He takes his daughter to an ice cream parlor in North Carolina to buy an ice cream cone.  The proprietor, who is a strong believer in segregation, tells the man that he and his daughter will have to be served at the back, the place for “Negroes.”  Assume the discrimination violates the public accommodations law unless a religious exemption is included.  If the owner bases his refusal on sincere religious belief in segregation, should he be free to treat the former soldier in this way because he is black?  Would we be comfortable following, for race discrimination, Professor Laycock’s proposed exemption plan for gays (or at least married or marrying gays)?  Should we balance the supposedly slight inconvenience of getting ice cream at the back of the store against the supposedly more powerful case of religious conscience?

Case 2.  A black child goes with his school outing to Delightful Lake, a small private recreation park.  The proprietor refuses to let the black child swim in the lake.  Suppose he does so based on religious conviction against integration.  It is a small park.  There are other parks.  If the parents bring suit on behalf of the child, should they face a religious or moral exemption and have to show no other park would allow him to swim in order to prevail?

Let us suppose that the owner of the lake posts a warning on his website and has a “No Blacks Allowed” sign.  The parents and the teacher know of it, but decide it violates the law and demand equal service.  Should the lake owner now be exempt from the law?  The child stays away based on the signs, but the parents sue.  There are other swimming pools and recreation parks that might not discriminate.  Should the right to discriminate based on religious conviction trump the right against discrimination?

Case 3.  A man in North Carolina owns four rental houses.  He has strong religious beliefs against racial intermarriage.  He rents one of his houses to a university professor.  The landlord knows that the professor is married and that his wife will be joining him later.  It turns out she is black and from Africa.  At the end of the lease term the landlord tells the professor that he has decided to take the house off the market.  That is false.  The ruse is discovered when the professor’s students apply to rent the house—as testers.  Should the landlord’s religious beliefs exempt him from damages or other relief under the Civil Rights Act of 1866, an act that would otherwise prohibit such conduct?  Would such conduct be more justifiably excused if the landlord met the couple at first and refused to rent on the spot?  After all there are undoubtedly other houses, and some landlords would not discriminate.  Suppose the landlord puts a notice on his website and a sign on the door.  Does that fix the problem?

All these examples involve for-profit commercial activity.  In none of these cases would the religious objector be entitled to an exemption under current law.  For most of us, I think, our intuition would be that that result is right as a matter of sound public policy and should not be changed by statute.  In the cases above, if we apply (or try to apply) Professor Laycock’s balancing approach, treating race as he would sexual orientation, the religious objector wins, at least if other alternatives are available.  But the result seems wrong.  Looking for why it is wrong helps understand problems with the proposed exemption test for discrimination against gays and with its application by Professor Laycock.

Here are the things that are balanced when we treat race as Professor Laycock would treat sexual orientation (at least for the married or marrying): the minor inconvenience of having to go the back of the store with your young child to get your ice cream cone if you are black, balanced against the owner being coerced into violating deeply held religious and moral objections to integration.  The description of the interests is radically incomplete.  In the Laycock description transposed to race, we have a minor inconvenience on one side and the strong and grave interest against violating one’s deeply held religious beliefs on the other.  Being served ice cream at the back of the store, being barred from swimming at a particular pool because you are a black child, and being unable to rent a nice and convenient home are all examples of this sort of “minor inconvenience,” and, according to this approach, should all fail to overcome the “strong interest” in preventing the coercion of believers to violate deeply held religious beliefs.  (Of course, the alternative “no delay of the sin” approach, taken literally, could produce a result favorable to the victim of discrimination.)

A problem with balancing is how one describes and values the interests.  If Professor Laycock has not inflated the religious interest, he has deflated both the interest of the victim of discrimination and the social interest in rooting out discrimination.  The interest supported by the broad antidiscrimination law is not preventing a minor inconvenience, such as getting an ice cream cone at the back rather than the front of the store.  (The back of the store alternative is admittedly very close at hand.)  Instead, it is the interest in eliminating a racial caste system that has systematically degraded the rights of a whole people across a wide spectrum of interests—personal liberty, safety, equality in criminal justice, equality in opportunity, opportunity to participate in the political process, to name a few.  It is the interest in not putting a group of people in an inferior and less protected class.  And it is the interest in preventing a grave insult to human dignity, regardless of whether this insult arises from a “minor inconvenience,” or from pervasive discrimination, or even from the threat of physical violence.  For marrying gays, Professor Laycock leaves psychological damage out of his description.  That is what Martin Luther King, Jr. called “the ‘ultimate tragedy of segregation’—the psychological damage that white supremacist ideology had inflicted on those blacks who had internalized its lessons.”[120]

Those of us who have not been discriminated against based on sexual orientation may underrate the harm and see it as mere minor inconvenience as opposed to, say, a basic assault on the human dignity of the person discriminated against.  We may overlook the effects of the discrimination in legitimizing a cruel caste system.  Indeed, under the exemption system, it is possible that discriminating against gays will become more fashionable, a badge of religious honor.  Professor Laycock’s signs might proliferate.

The law sends messages.  The antidiscrimination law sends a message that the racial caste system, or a similar one based on sexual orientation, is wrong and illegal.  Applying the law to particular acts of discrimination emphasizes the message.  The message sent by allowing religious exemptions is that discrimination is wrong and illegal except when it is right and legal.  It is illegal and wrong unless your deeply held religious beliefs support the caste system and, by one version, unless the victim of discrimination can find a convenient alternative.  The right to discriminate can convey a message (at least in certain circumstances) that it is right to do so.

General application is important.  What would the result have been in the segregated South if exemptions based on religious convictions had been in place?  The result would have been even worse if all “moral” objectors to integration were also included.  Of course, Professor Laycock’s caveat might have helped if no one would serve blacks.  But the force of the law would have been greatly diminished and problems of proving a case would have been increased.

Gays have also suffered from pervasive prejudice and a caste system.  They have long been treated as a disfavored group, and discrimination against gays has been considered accepted and proper.[121]

Many gays are afraid to identify themselves for fear of discrimination.  But the more gays identify themselves, the more people will learn that gays are our children, our relatives, our friends, and our colleagues.  That helps to break the caste system that puts gays in a special and disfavored class.  So, general protection against discrimination helps to dismantle the caste system and to allow gays to come out, which further dismantles the caste system.  Generally banning discrimination in housing, in employment, commercial transactions, and public accommodations is important for that purpose.  Exemptions undermine that purpose.

The approach of some religious conservatives seems to suggest that because gays may be legally married in very few states, they (or at least gay couples) must to be open to discrimination by religious discriminators in those states.  (Or, perhaps, in all states with antidiscrimination laws that cover gays.  Why wait for gay marriage?  Act now!)  This will reinforce the caste system, encouraging self-deception and dissemblance by gays and making it more dangerous and painful for gays to come out.  Our common basic interest in truth and honesty support dismantling this caste system.

As a practical matter, employment discrimination is probably the most pressing problem.  Employment is particularly crucial in these dismal times when there is so little current interest in alleviating the plague of unemployment and when losing a job may consign a person to being without one for a very long time and perhaps to being homeless.  Lots of jobs come from small employers.  For an individual denied a job because of sexual orientation or discharged because of it, the effect may be devastating.  Housing would be next as a pressing problem.  Public accommodation is less likely to be a pervasive problem.  Most ice cream parlors will not check for sexual orientation, and merchants who behave in that way (or who post Laycock signs) are likely to lose more than just the patronage of gays.  Perhaps the problem would be self-limiting.

VI.  Legally Required Exemptions and Public Policy: Various Scenarios

A.     Hypothetical 1: Public Policy

At one time, of course, the Court gave heightened scrutiny to neither race[122] nor gender[123] and had not found the interest in antidiscrimination laws to be compelling.  In the eyes of the Supreme Court, women and blacks were given no more, and indeed less, protection than the Court gives gays today.  Back then, as a matter of legislative policy, and faced with laws addressing public accommodations, equal housing, or equal employment, should the legislature have provided exemptions for race and gender discrimination when the violation was based on religious or moral principles?  If the answer is no, why should discrimination based on sexual orientation be different today?  Suppose exemptions were provided.  How would allowing a religious or moral objection for race discriminators in the 1960s have affected the effort to uproot the racial caste system?

B.     Hypothetical 2: In 1920, a State with a Religious Freedom Restoration Act Bans Discrimination Based on Race in Public Accommodations, Housing, and Employment

Think about an imaginary state that, in 1920, had a religious freedom restoration act as well as having a state law that banned racial discrimination in a commercial context—including housing, employment, and public accommodations.  These hypothetical laws were passed before the United States Supreme Court gave racial classifications substantially heightened scrutiny and before it found racial antidiscrimination laws supported by a compelling state interest.  Assume that in 1920 the state constitutional law is where federal constitutional law was in 1920 as to race.

The state RFRA provided that the state government should not substantially burden a person’s exercise of religion, even if the burden results from a rule of general applicability, except where the burden is in furtherance of a compelling governmental interest and is the least restrictive means of furthering that interest.  Would the state RFRA test have protected religiously motivated race discriminators in the commercial sphere?  Should it have?  In short, should our imaginary early state RFRA have protected religious discriminators if race was treated no more protectively, and indeed even less protectively, than the Court treats sexual orientation today?[124]

If the state RFRA trumped state antidiscrimination laws, the effect would be to substantially weaken the antidiscrimination law.  The legislature’s general ban on racial discrimination by merchants would be effective only to the extent that the state court decided the interest was compelling or decided that applying the law in a commercial context did not substantially burden the exercise of religion.

C.     Hypothetical 3: Smith Comes Out the Other Way

Suppose Smith had come out the other way.  What about state laws that banned discrimination based on race, gender, and sexual orientation?  Would religious discriminators be entitled to a federal constitutional exemption from the law?

After many years of a far different approach,[125] the Court held race to be a suspect class[126] and gender to be a quasi-suspect class.[127]  In addition, the Court ultimately held that the interest in rooting out race and gender discrimination is compelling.[128]  In contrast, the Court has not yet treated the state interest in rooting out private discrimination based on sexual orientation to be compelling.[129]  So today, the ban on race and gender discrimination would be safe from religious exemptions—provided the Court did not upset precedent holding that banning race and gender discrimination serves a compelling state interest.[130]

If Employment Division v. Smith had come out the other way, the fate of a law banning discrimination based on sexual orientation in provision of public commercial services would depend on the answers to two questions.  The law would fall only if (1) the law substantially burdened a person’s exercise of religion, and (2) if the ban on discrimination based on sexual orientation did not serve a compelling state interest.

In this alternate constitutional universe (where Smith came out the other way), suppose that a landlord who owns rental houses and an apartment house has strong religious objections to homosexuality.  A married gay couple applies to rent the house or to get an apartment.  The landlord says renting to the gay couple will substantially burden his exercise of religion.  In our alternate universe, would the landlord be likely to prevail in the courts?  Should he prevail?  If he were to prevail, it is hard to see why, as a constitutional matter, the Court would allow discrimination against married gays, but not against single gays.

D.    Hypothetical 4: Today, RFRA Still Limits Congress.  Assume Congress Bans Discrimination Against Gays in Housing, Employment, and Public Accommodations.

Since the RFRA still limits Congress, and if Congress bans discrimination against gays in housing, employment, and public accommodations, religious discriminators who are merchants or landlords would likely claim a RFRA exemption.  While the federal Religious Freedom Restoration Act was unconstitutional as applied to the states, it is alive and well as to the federal government.[131]  Would the federal RFRA limit a later amendment to the 1964 and 1968 antidiscrimination Acts by providing an exemption in the case of religious discriminators?  Should the RFRA protect religiously motivated merchants who discriminate against gays in public accommodations, housing, and employment?  If so, a law that was enacted to protect a member of a minority religion in the exercise of the rites of his church will have proved a Trojan Horse.  The legal issue would be whether the government has a compelling state interest in eliminating discrimination against gays and whether a ban on discriminating against gays in commercial settings substantially burdens the merchant and landlord’s exercise of religion.  Either way of upholding the law is defensible—finding a compelling interest or no substantial burden on free exercise.  But it is not hard to imagine judges ruling the other way.  If so, a well-intentioned law designed to protect core religious practices may produce unacceptable results.

E.     Current State Antidiscrimination Laws in a State with a State RFR law

The same sorts of questions arise under current state laws.[132]  Some states have RFRAs and have antidiscrimination laws that cover sexual orientation.  Should state RFR laws be interpreted to protect religiously motivated discriminators in the public, commercial sphere?  Is such discrimination an exercise of religion; is the interest in preventing discrimination compelling?

VII.  Caveats

A.     Balanced Compromise?

Perhaps a general national ban on discrimination against gays in employment (with an exception for businesses with, say, five or fewer employees) would be a trade worth making.  The same would be true for exempting landlords who rent apartments in their residences, for example.  Statutory exemptions without expansion of coverage are a one-sided deal.  There is no reason to think that religious and moral exemptions will stop the holy war against gay marriage.  In fact, “[[t]wenty-nine] states have constitutional bans on same-sex marriages, and [twelve] have laws against it.”[133]  In any case, religious conservatives would be most unlikely to support either gay marriage or broader antidiscrimination statutes covering gays even with exemptions for small establishments or with religious exemptions.  Supporting exemptions from laws that already protect gays without in any way broadening such protections is unbalanced.  On the other hand, the New York law, with its exemption for churches, is an example of a pragmatic compromise.

B.     Limited Exception for Churches

Churches will need to be allowed to choose their pastors, ministers, rabbis, and religious teachers.  Otherwise they might be unable to teach their doctrines, a result that would implicate both free speech and free exercise of religion.  Many state laws have such exemptions in place.[134]  There is no reason to think that gay marriage would change things.

C.     The Patronage Trap: The Church as a Provider of Government Services

Churches may be able to use their political power to get government social service jobs transferred to the churches and still funded by the government.  If so, employees should not lose their jobs, nor should future employees be denied employment based on sexual orientation, or religion for that matter, whatever the views of the church.  If the church elects to provide a formerly public function and be funded by public funds in doing so, its claim of a right to discriminate should be denied.

D.    Free Speech Issues

The Civil Rights Struggle of the 1960s achieved immense gains without denying free speech to opponents of racial equality.  Gays have also made substantial progress under a free speech regime.[135]  Proposals to limit speech on matters of public concern because the speaker opposes gay equality raise the gravest First Amendment concerns.  For many reasons beyond the scope of this Essay, that is a route to be avoided.[136]

E.     The Abortion Analogy

One analogy suggested by advocates of exemptions is to the conscience exemptions provided in terms of assisting with an abortion.  To me, interracial marriage is the better analogy.  In any case, the suggestion should not reassure the supporters of gay rights.  The right to an abortion has been shrinking continually under a sustained, unremitting assault.  Recently several states have banned abortion after twenty weeks, in some cases having unwise and cruel effects on women’s health.[137]  The conscience exemptions did not stem the assault on abortion.  As a pragmatic matter, they are not an encouraging model for gay equality and liberty.  Professors Lupu and Tuttle discuss the abortion conscience exception in their article on same-sex family equality.[138]  Interested readers can pursue problems with the analogy there.

Conclusion

The best way to think about the claim that gay marriage requires expanded exemptions from existing laws for religious discriminators is in the larger context of both race and gender discrimination and in the larger context of discrimination against gays outside of gay marriage—as well as in the case of discrimination against people in same-sex marriages.  The racial analogy may help some see why the harms of discrimination against gays are substantial and why broad exemptions are problematic.  If so, this Essay will have been a modest success.

 


*   Judge Donald Smith Professor of Law, Wake Forest University School of Law. © Michael Kent Curtis. Thanks to Michael Perry, Harold Anthony Lloyd, Shannon Gilreath, and Ronald Wright for comments on an earlier draft of this Essay.  Thanks also to my outstanding research assistants, Bailey Rogers, Hillary Kies, Theodore Martens, and Daniel Rice for their excellent help.  The mistakes and misconceptions are, of course, my own.

        [1].   Same-Sex Marriage and State Anti-Discrimination Laws, The Becket Fund for Religious Liberty 2 (Jan. 2009), http://www.becketfund.org/wp
‑content/uploads/2011/04/Same‑Sex‑Marriage‑and‑State‑Anti‑Discrimination
-Laws-with-Appendices.pdf [hereinafter Becket Fund].

        [2].   Civil Rights Act of 1964, Pub. L. No. 88-352, §§ 201–07, 78 Stat. 241, 243–46.

        [3].   Id. § 703, 78 Stat. at 255–57.

        [4].   See Peter Wallenstein, Tell the Court I Love My Wife: Race, Marriage, and Law—An American History 253–54 (2002) (listing states that repealed antimiscegenation laws prior to Loving); The Legal Map for Interracial Relationships (1662–1967), LovingDay, http://lovingday.org/legal-map (last visited Feb. 7, 2012).  Of the thirty-seven official states in 1868, twenty-five (Alabama, Arkansas, California, Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Illinois, Indiana, Louisiana, Maine, Maryland, Michigan, Mississippi, Missouri, Nebraska, Nevada, North Carolina, Ohio, Oregon, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, and Virginia) had antimiscegenation laws.  Id.  The LovingDay map erroneously indicates that West Virginia enacted an antimiscegenation law in 1863, whereas such a law was not passed until 1870.  See Phyl Newbeck, Virginia Hasn’t Always Been for Lovers: Interracial Marriage Bans and the Case of Richard and Mildred Loving 45 (2004).  The map’s color key also seems to imply (incorrectly) that Arizona, Colorado, Idaho, New Mexico, Utah, and Washington were states in 1868.

        [5].   LovingDay.org, supra note 4 (Alabama, Arizona, Arkansas, Colorado, Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Idaho, Indiana, Louisiana, Maryland, Mississippi, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, North Carolina, North Dakota, Oklahoma, Oregon, South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Virginia, West Virginia, and Wyoming).

        [6].   388 U.S. 1, 12 (1967).

        [7].   Id. at 6 n.5.

        [8].   Emp’t Div., Dep’t of Human Res. of Oregon v. Smith, 494 U.S. 872, 889 (1990).

        [9].   See Perez v. Lippold, 198 P.2d 17, 29 (Cal. 1948).

      [10].   The idea that one has a religious duty to discriminate is resonating.  See Katie Zezima, Couple Sues a Vermont Inn for Rejecting Gay Reception, N.Y. Times, July, 20, 2011, at A19.  Similarly, a New York clerk, a state official, sees her duty to issue marriage licenses for gay marriage as an interference with the exercise of her religion.  See Thomas Kaplan, Settled in Albany, Gay Marriage is Still Drawing Opposition, N.Y. Times, July 13, 2011, at A20.

      [11].   Civil Rights Act of 1964, Pub. L. No. 88-352, 78 Stat. 241.

      [12].   Jones v. Alfred H. Mayer Co., 392 U.S. 409, 413 (1968) (“[The Civil Rights Act of 1866] bars all racial discrimination, private as well as public, in the sale or rental of property, and that . . . statute, thus construed, is a valid exercise of the power of Congress to enforce the Thirteenth Amendment.”).

      [13].   Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 only applied to employers who had twenty-five or more employees.  § 703, 78 Stat. at 253.

      [14].   42 U.S.C. § 1982 (2006).

      [15].   According to the Department of Housing and Urban Development website, “[i]n some circumstances, the Act exempts owner-occupied buildings with no more than four units, single-family housing sold or rented without the use of a broker, and housing operated by organizations and private clubs that limit occupancy to members.”  Fair Housing—It’s Your Right, U.S. Dep’t of Hous. & Urban Dev., http://portal.hud.gov/hudportal/HUD?src=/program
_offices/fair_housing_equal_opp/FHLaws/yourrights (last visited Feb. 7, 2012).

      [16].   Religious Freedom Restoration Act of 1993, Pub. L. No. 103-141, 107 Stat. 1488 (1993).

      [17].   E.g., Conn. Gen. Stat. Ann. § 52-571b (West 2009).  For a more detailed look at issues caused by state RFRAs, see Christopher C. Lund, Religious Liberty After Gonzalez: A Look at State RFRAs, 55 S.D. L. Rev. 466 (2010).

      [18].   The Declaration of Independence para. 2 (U.S. 1776).

      [19].   On the significance of the Preamble for constitutional analysis, see Harold Anthony Lloyd, “Original” Means Old, “Original” Means New: An “Original” Look at What “Originalists” Do, 67 Nat’l Law. Guild Rev. 135, 141 (2010) (noting the framing and aspirational language of the Constitution’s Preamble).

      [20].   See, e.g., G.T. Gillespie, A Christian View on Segregation 8–10 (1954) (citing several passages from Genesis, along with Leviticus 19:19 and Deuteronomy 7:3, to support segregation).

      [21].   U.S. Const. amend. XIII, § 1.

      [22].   U.S. Const. amend. XIV, § 1.

      [23].   U.S. Const. amend. XV, § 1.

      [24].   U.S. Const. amend. XIX.

      [25].   U.S. Const. amend. XXIV, § 1.

      [26].   E.g., Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537, 540 (1896) (upholding racial segregation in rail transportation); The Civil Rights Cases, 109 U.S. 3, 9 (1883) (ruling the Civil Rights Act of 1875 unconstitutional because Congress lacked the constitutional authority under the enforcement provisions of the Fourteenth Amendment to outlaw racial discrimination by private individuals and organizations); United States v. Harris, 106 U.S. 629, 644 (1883) (holding that Congress’s remedial power under the Fourteenth Amendment reaches only state action, not private acts by individuals seeking to lynch or maltreat prisoners in jail awaiting trial); United States v. Cruikshank, 92 U.S. 542, 548 (1876) (shrinking dramatically protection against private violence aimed at constitutional rights); Dred Scott v. Sandford, 60 U.S. 393, 404 (1857) (holding that free blacks descended from slaves were entitled to no constitutional rights and no national rights that a white man was bound to respect, and ruling the Missouri Compromise of 1820 unconstitutional because Congress did not have the power to ban slavery in the nation’s territories as it had previously done going back to the founding); Prigg v. Pennsylvania, 41 U.S. 539, 608 (1842) (ruling a Pennsylvania law that gave procedural protections to suspected escaped slaves unconstitutional, as a violation of the right of slaveholders to recover their slaves immediately (with no due process delay) under Article IV and the Federal Fugitive Slave Law of 1793).

      [27].   The Civil Rights Cases, 109 U.S. at 9; Cruikshank, 92 U.S. at 548; Prigg, 41 U.S at 608.

      [28].   E.g., Civil Rights Act of 1866, 42 U.S.C. § 1981 (2006) (declaring that people born in the United States are citizens—regardless of race, color, or previous condition of slavery or involuntary servitude—and granting such citizens full and equal enjoyment of all laws and provisions for the security of person and property as enjoyed by white citizens); Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell Repeal Act of 2010, Pub. L. No. 111-321, 124 Stat. 3515 (repealing Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell, which allowed gays to be discharged from military service if their sexual orientation was discovered).

      [29].   Civil Rights Act of 1964, Pub. L. No. 88-352, 78 Stat. 241.

      [30].   42 U.S.C. §§ 1973–1973aa-6 (2006).

      [31].   Civil Rights Act of 1968, Pub. L. 90-284, §§ 801–819, 82 Stat. 73, 81–89.

      [32].   Equal Pay Act of 1963, Pub. L. No. 88-38, 77 Stat. 56.

      [33].   § 702, 78 Stat. at 255.

      [34].   E.g., Cal. Civ. Code § 51 (Deering Supp. 2011) (banning discrimination because of sexual orientation (along with race, sex, etc.) in public accommodations); Cal. Gov’t Code § 12940 (Deering Supp. 2011) (banning discrimination because of sexual orientation (along with race, sex, etc.) in employment); Cal. Gov’t Code § 12955 (Deering Supp. 2011) (banning discrimination because of sexual orientation (along with race, sex, etc.) in housing).

      [35].   See Juan Williams, The 1964 Civil Rights Act—Then and Now, Hum. Rts. Mag. (Summer 2004), http://www.americanbar.org/publications/human
_rights_magazine_home/human_rights_vol31_2004/summer2004/irr_hr_summer04_1964cra2.html.

      [36].   In the mid-1980s, as I recall, I appeared before the North Carolina House or Senate Judiciary Committee regarding N.C. Gen. Stat. § 14-177.

      [37].   This example is based on an interview I conducted with the married couple shortly after the events as well as a review at that time of the transcript of the preliminary hearing and other sources.  See Michael K. Curtis & Shannon Gilreath, Transforming Teenagers Into Oral Sex Felons: The Persistence of the Crime Against Nature After Lawrence v. Texas, 43 Wake Forest L. Rev. 155, 160–61 (2008).

      [38].   See N.C. Gen. Stat. § 14-177 (2009); see also State v. Whiteley, 616 S.E.2d 576, 580–81 (N.C. App. 2005) (upholding the “crime against nature” statute as facially constitutional, and holding that it was improper to give a jury instruction regarding whether there was consent for the sexual acts as no consent is required under the statute).

      [39].   Teenagers are another matter.  See Curtis & Gilreath, supra note 37, at 156.

      [40].   494 U.S. 872 (1990).

      [41].   Id. at 890.

      [42].   Id. at 874.

      [43].   Id.

      [44].   Reynolds v. United States, 98 U.S. 145, 162 (1879) (holding that Mormon religious belief in a duty to marry multiple wives was insufficient to void conviction under the Morrill Anti-Bigamy Act of 1862).

      [45].   E.g., Sherbert v. Verner, 374 U.S. 398, 401–02 (1963) (holding that denial of employment compensation based on religious belief against working on Saturdays unconstitutionally burdened the free exercise of religion); cf. Wisconsin v. Yoder, 406 U.S. 205, 234 (1972) (holding that there was an exemption for Amish children from having to go to school beyond the eighth grade).

      [46].   E.g., Hamilton v. Regents of the Univ. of Cal., 293 U.S. 245, 261–63 (1934) (holding that religious objection to war did not excuse plaintiff from complying with a California requirement that male freshmen and sophomore state university students enroll in a course of military science); Reynolds, 98 U.S. at 162.  CompareMinersville Sch. Dist. v. Gobitis, 310 U.S. 586, 591–92, 599–600 (1940) (holding that religious belief that saluting an earthly emblem (the U.S. flag) violated God’s will was insufficient to excuse public school students from saluting the American flag and reciting the Pledge of Allegiance), with W. Va. State Bd. of Educ. v. Barnette, 319 U.S. 624, 642 (1943) (overturning Gobitis, but based on the Free Speech Clause, not the Free Exercise Clause).

      [47].   Religious Freedom Restoration Act of 1993, Pub. L. No. 103-141, §2, 107 Stat. 1488, 1488.

      [48].   Id. § 3, 107 Stat. at 1488.

      [49].   City of Boerne v. Flores, 521 U.S. 507, 508–09 (1997).

      [50].   See Diana B. Henriques, Religion Trumps Regulation as Legal Exemptions Grow, N.Y. Times, Oct. 8, 2006, at A1.  The article shows the immense and pervasive political power of religious groups.

      [51].   Id.

      [52].   Becket Fund, supra note 1, at 2.

      [53].   Id.

      [54].   Id.

      [55].   Id.

      [56].   E.g., Douglas A. Blackmon, Slavery by Another Name: The Re-Enslavement of Black Americans from the Civil War to World War II (2008); Vernon L. Wharton, The Negro in Mississippi 1865–1890 (1984).

      [57].   At present, the evidence is suggestive.  E.g., William J. Jenkins, Can Anyone Tell Me Why I’m Gay?  What Research Suggests Regarding the Origins of Sexual Orientation, 12 N. Am. J. of Psych. 279 (2010) [hereinafter Jenkins, Can Anyone Tell] (surveying the somewhat mixed literature).  See generally Dean H. Hamer et al., A Linkage Between DNA Markers on the X Chromosome and Male Sexual Orientation, 261 Sci. 321 (1993), available athttp://postcog.ucd.ie/files/2881563.pdf (indicating a link between genetic markers and sexual orientation in homosexual men); Simon LeVay, A Difference in Hypothalamic Structure Between Heterosexual and Homosexual Men, 253 Sci. 1034 (1991), available at http://www.sciencemag.org/content/253/5023/1034
.full.pdf (describing a difference in the size of a hypothalamic region between heterosexual and homosexual men); Simon LeVay & Dean H. Hamer, Evidence for a Biological Influence in Male Homosexuality, 270 Sci. Am., May 1994, at 44, available at http://www.trinity.edu/tmurphy/trinity/3420_files/Levay%20and
%20Hammer_1994.pdf; Nicholas D. Kristof, Gay at Birth?, N.Y. Times, Oct. 25, 2003, at A19; Michael Swift, Homosexuality Tied to Heritage, Researchers Say, Tulsa World (Dec. 1, 2008), http://www.tulsaworld.com/news/article.aspx
?subjectid=298&articleid=20081201_298_0_SANJOS796430&allcom=1.  The matter is clearer for fruit flies.  A single gene in the fruit fly is sufficient to determine all aspects of the flies’ sexual orientation and behavior.  See Elisabeth Rosenthal, For Fruit Flies, Gene Shift Tilts Sex Orientation, N.Y. Times, June 3, 2005, at A1.

      [58].   For example, “The Crime Against Nature” was originally punished in Ecclesiastical Courts.  The Buggery Act of 1533, 25 Hen. VIII c. 6 made buggery (anal intercourse) punishable by hanging.  North Carolina, like many states, punishes both oral sex and anal sex.  The statute is facially gender neutral.  In North Carolina, in 1837, the “crime against nature” was codified in its present form.  Until 1868, the penalty was death.  In 1868, the penalty was reduced to imprisonment for a term between five and sixty years.  The punishment has been reduced over the years, but the crime remains a felony.  In re R.L.C., 635 S.E.2d 1, 2 (N.C. App. 2006), aff’d., 643 S.E.2d 920 (N.C. 2007).

      [59].   E.g., Jenkins, Can Anyone Tell, supra note 57, at 289–90 (noting that 6000 hate crimes motivated by sexual orientation were reported between 2005 and 2008, along with a higher rate of attempted suicide among homosexual individuals).  Editorial, The Lesson of Matthew Shepard, N.Y. Times, Oct. 17, 1998, at A14 (describing the brutal murder of twenty-one-year-old Matthew Shepard, killed for being gay and also noting that according to the “Southern Poverty Law Center, after studying F.B.I. statistics, . . . gay men and lesbians are six times as likely to be physically attacked as Jews or Hispanics in America, and twice as likely as African-Americans”).

      [60].   See, e.g., David K. Johnson, The Lavender Scare: The Cold War Persecution of Gays and Lesbians in the Federal Government 123–24 (2004) (describing the use of Eisenhower’s Executive Order 10450 to select gays and lesbians, amongst others, to fire because they were not considered suitable for government work).

      [61].   It is curious.  Why don’t we call President Obama an Irish American?

      [62].   Johnson, supra note 60, at 152.

      [63].   See Suicide Risk and Prevention for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Youth, Suicide Prevention Res. Ctr. 18 [hereinafter Suicide Risk], available athttp://www.sprc.org/library/SPRC_LGBT_Youth.pdf (noting that gay and lesbian individuals aged fifteen to twenty-four are nearly one and a half to three times more likely to have reported suicidal ideation than similarly aged heterosexuals, and are nearly one and a half to seven times more likely than their heterosexual counterparts to have reported attempting suicide).

      [64].   See Hadley P. Arkes, The Role of Government in Shaping Culture, 102 Nw. U. L. Rev. 499, 501 (2008).

      [65].   Robin Fretwell Wilson, Matters of Conscience: Lessons for Same-Sex Marriage from the Healthcare Context, in Same-Sex Marriage and Religious Liberty: Emerging Conflicts 77, 101 (Douglas Laycock et al. eds., 2008).

      [66].   E.g., Paul Finkelman, Defending Slavery: Proslavery Thought in the Old South: A Brief History with Documents 31–32 (2003) (discussing the religious defense of slavery with biblical references); id. at 108 (discussing De Bow’s Review from 1850, an antebellum summary of the Bible argument for slavery); id. at 123 (quoting Thornton Stringfellow, Cotton is King, and Pro-Slavery Arguments (1860)).

      [67].   E.g., Jane Dailey, Sex, Segregation, and the Sacred after Brown, 91 J. Am. Hist. 119, 121 (2004).

      [68].   See, e.g., Evelyn A. Kirkley, “This Work is God’s Cause”: Religion in the Southern Woman Suffrage Movement, 1880–1920, 59 Church Hist. 507, 508–09, 511–12, 522 (1990); Angela L. Padilla & Jennifer J. Winrich, Christianity, Feminism, and the Law, 1 Colum. J. Gender & L. 67, 69, 73–78 (1991).

      [69].   See 1 Corinthians 11:8–9 (Revised Standard Version) (“For man was not made from woman, but woman from man.  Neither was man created for woman, but woman for man.”); Deuteronomy 7:3 (Revised Standard Version) (discussing the rules against the Israelites intermarrying with peoples from other nations to support a complete prohibition on intermarriage between races); Genesis 3:16 (Revised Standard Version) (“To the woman he said, ‘I will greatly multiply your pain in childbearing; in pain you shall bring forth children, yet your desire shall be for your husband, and he shall rule over you.’”); Leviticus 19:19 (Revised Standard Version) (discussing the rules against the mixing of things like cattle and fabrics to infer the mixing of races to be offensive to God); Leviticus 25:44 (Revised Standard Version) (“As for your male and female slaves whom you may have: you may buy male and female slaves from among the nations that are round about you.”); 1 Peter2:18 (Revised Standard Version) (“Servants, be submissive to your masters with all respect, not only to the kind and gentle but also to the overbearing.”); 1 Timothy2:11–12 (Revised Standard Version) (“Let a woman learn in silence with all submissiveness.  I permit no woman to teach or to have authority over men; she is to keep silent.”).  But see Matthew 7:12 (Revised Standard Version) (“So whatever you wish that men would do to you, do so to them; for this is the law and the prophets.”). See generally Jack Rogers, Jesus, the Bible, and Homosexuality 17–34 (2009) (discussing the use of the Bible to justify slavery, segregation, and subordination of women).  Under this approach, Rogers explains, “the particulars of Scripture take precedence over general principles . . . .  Thus the presence or absence of particular verses took precedence over general principles, including the Gospel of Christ.”  Id. at 21.

      [70].   See Finkelman, supra note 66, at 31–32; Dailey, supra note 67, at 121–26.  For a book-length discussion, see Fay Botham, Almighty God Created the Races: Christianity, Interracial Marriage, & American Law 5 (2009) [hereinafter God Created]; id. at 8; id. at 93–98 (citing biblical passages); id. at 98–178 (discussing religious justifications for segregation in the United States).  The author notes that “[b]y the turn of the twentieth  century, the theology of separate races had gained wide currency among white southern Protestants as the religious justification for Jim Crow policies  and interracial marriage.”  Id. at 104.  She cites examples of Southern ministers espousing the divine ordinance of segregation and no race mixing in 1948, 1954 and 1956, and examples of similar views by ex-President Truman (comparatively, a racial progressive) in 1963, and by a Republican state representative from South Carolina in 1998.  Id. at 108–10.  In 1958, American Catholic Bishops rejected religious interpretations that justified segregation.  Id. at 119.  Botham suggests that the Catholic Church was more inclined to reject racist theology. Cf. id. at 118.  Not until the 1960s, however, did the Bishops openly support interracial marriage.  Id. at 120.

      [71].   Senator Byrd cited Genesis 9:18–27, Genesis 1:21–25, Leviticus 19:19, and Matthew 20:1–15.  110 Cong. Rec. 13, 206–08 (1964); see also Shannon Gilreath, Not a Moral Issue: Same-Sex Marriage and Religious Liberty, 2010 U. Ill. L. Rev. 205, 210 (2010) (book review).  For other religious justifications for segregation or discrimination, see Michael J. Klarman, From Jim Crow to Civil Rights: The Supreme Court and the Struggle for Racial Equality 44 (2004) (quoting Allen D. Candler, Governor of Georgia, opposing equal education in 1901: “God made them negroes and we cannot by education make them white folks.”); id. at 355 (quoting South Carolina Judge George Bell Timmerman opposing the Brown decision and announcing that whites retained the right to racial integrity “with which God Almighty has endowed them”); id. at 401 (quoting Ross Barnett: “the good Lord was the original segregationist”); id. at 426 (quoting a Dallas minister denouncing school integration as the “work of Satan”); and id. at 256 (quoting a concurring opinion by Florida Supreme Court Justice Glenn Terrell criticizing Brown and observing that segregation was the rule of the animal kingdom and God’s will).

      [72].   See Max Blumenthal, Agent of Intolerance, Nation (May 16, 2007), available at http://www.thenation.com/article/agent-intolerance.

      [73].   Loving v. Virginia, 388 U.S. 1, 3 (1967).

      [74].   W. Chester & Phila. R.R. Co. v. Miles, 55 Pa. 209, 215 (Pa. 1867).

      [75].   Id. at 213.  Fay Botham surveyed court cases relying on religion to oppose race mixing from 1867–1964.  God Created, supra note 70, at 155–61.

      [76].   E.g., Naim v. Naim, 87 S.E.2d 749, 752, 756 (Va. 1955) (upholding the anti-miscegenation statute and voiding an interracial marriage and using the language from the Pennsylvania case); Harris v. City of Louisville, 177 S.W. 472, 477 (Ky. 1915) (upholding a residential segregation statute); Berea Coll. v. Commonwealth, 94 S.W. 623, 627–28 (Ky. 1906) (requiring segregation of a private college); Bowie v. Birmingham Ry. & Elec. Co., 27 So. 1016, 1018–20 (Ala. 1900) (upholding segregation in transportation); Green v. State, 58 Ala. 190, 194, 197 (1877) (upholding a conviction for interracial marriage); State v. Gibson, 36 Ind. 389, 404–05 (1871) (same).

      [77].   Naim, 87 S.E.2d at 752.

      [78].   God Created, supra note 70, at 156.

      [79].   Dailey, supra note 67; see also Bill J. Leonard, A Theology for Racism: Southern Fundamentalists and the Civil Rights Movement, 34 Baptist Hist. & Heritage 49 (1999).

      [80].   Dailey, supra note 67, at 125 (quoting Theodore G. Bilbo, Take Your Choice: Separation or Mongrelization 109 (1947)).

      [81].   Id.

      [82].   Id.

      [83].   Id. at 130–33.

      [84].   Id. at 126.

      [85].   See, e.g., Michael Kent Curtis, Free Speech, “The People’s Darling Privilege” 224–26 (2000); see also William Ellery Channing, Slavery 8–11, 110–13 (1835); Finkelman, supra note 66, at 13.

      [86].   E.g., Leviticus 18:22 (New International) (“Do not lie with a man as one lies with a woman; that is detestable.”); Romans 1:24–27 (New International Version) (“Therefore God gave them over in the sinful desires of their hearts to sexual impurity for the degrading of their bodies with one another. . . . God gave them over to shameful lusts.  Even their women exchanged natural [sexual] relations for unnatural ones.  In the same way the men also abandoned natural relations with women and were inflamed with lust for one another.  Men committed indecent acts with other men, and received in themselves the due penalty for their perversion.”).  Those who support a biblical case for gay marriage and gay equality have several responses.  See generally Jonathan Williams, The Biblical Case for Gay Marriage (unpublished paper) (on file with the author).  Jonathan Williams notes that the Old Testament’s prohibition on lying with a man as one would with women, Leviticus18:22, is part of a larger set of rules that largely have been cast aside, including how to sacrifice a goat, Leviticus 17:3–4, how to bargain for slaves, Leviticus 25:44–45, killing witches, Leviticus 19:26, proper haircuts, Leviticus 19:27, and keeping menstruating women in their own separate tent, Leviticus 15:19–23.  Why, Williams  asks, accept one rule from Leviticus when so many others have been discarded?  Meanwhile, the Old Testament contains examples of polygamous marriages and marriages by Moses and others outside the tribe in violation of Jewish rules.  E.g., 1 Kings 11:3 (New International Version) (“[King Solomon] had seven hundred wives of royal birth and three hundred concubines, and his wives led him astray.”); Exodus 2:21 (Moses married Zipporah, a Midianite woman).  The New Testament Epistles to Timothy forbid women from speaking in church or taking any leadership role in the church.  1 Timothy 2:11–12 (New International Version) (“A woman should learn in quietness and full submission.  I do not permit a woman to teach or to have authority over a man; she must be silent.”).  Many major Protestant denominations have rejected the exclusionary approach to women.  It is hard to imagine a claim for an exemption from laws against gender discrimination as applied to, for example, those who claim a religious basis for discrimination against women because the women have spoken in church or taken some leadership role (e.g., teaching Sunday school).  Paul’s admonitions are in tension with others from both Jesus and Paul.  See Matthew 7:12 (New American Standard) (“In everything, therefore, treat people the same way you want them to treat you . . . .”); Galatians 3:28 (New International Version) (“There is neither Jew nor Greek, neither slave nor free, male nor female, for you are all one in Christ Jesus.”).

      [87].   E.g., Matthew 7:12 (New American Standard) (“In everything, therefore, treat people the same way you want them to treat you . . . .”).  For a discussion of biblical passages commonly treated as about homosexuality in context, see Jack Rogers, Jesus, the Bible, and Homosexuality ch. 5 (2009).  See also id. at ch. 6.

      [88].   E.g., Leviticus 25:44 (New International Version) (“Your male and female slaves are to come from the nations around you; from them you may buy slaves.”); 1 Peter 2:18 (New International Version) (“Slaves, submit yourselves to your masters with all respect, not only to those who are good and considerate, but also to those who are harsh.”); Genesis 9:20–27 (the curse of Ham); see also Finkelman, supra note 66, at 31–33 (citing Bible passages accepting slavery).

      [89].   The Lutherans now ordain gay ministers based on the same criteria as heterosexual ministers.  See Michael Luo & Christina Capecchi, Lutheran Group Lifts Limits on Gay Clergy, N.Y. Times, Aug. 22, 2009, at A9.  Presbyterians likewise allow openly gay people in same-sex relationships to be ordained as ministers, elders, and deacons.  Laurie Goodstein, Presbyterians Approve Ordination of Gay People, N.Y. Times, May 11, 2011, at A14.

      [90].   See, e.g., Bradwell v. Illinois, 83 U.S. 130, 141 (1873) (Bradley, J., concurring) (“The natural and proper timidity and delicacy which belongs to the female sex evidently unfits it for many of the occupations of civil life. . . . [T]he domestic sphere . . . properly belongs to [women]. . . . The paramount destiny and mission of woman are to fulfill the noble and benign offices of wife and mother.  This is the law of the Creator.”).

      [91].   White people were punished for marrying blacks too, a fact that for a while was thought to meet equal protection standards.  See Pace v. Alabama, 106 U.S. 583, 585 (1883) (upholding the two-year prison sentences of Tony Pace, a black man, and Mary Cox, a white woman, because of their sexual relationship).

      [92].   See God Created, supra note 70, at 98–99.

      [93].   See William D. Mosher et al., U.S. Dep’t of Health & Human Servs., Sexual Behavior and Selected Health Measures: Men and Women 15–44 Years of Age, United States, 2002, at 3 fig.4 (2005), available at http://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/ad/ad362.pdf (reporting that 90% of males and 88% of females between twenty-five and forty-four years of age had engaged in oral sex with a member of the opposite sex, and that the figures for anal sex were 40% for males and 35% for females).

      [94].   Robin Wilson, Charles J Reid, and Douglas Laycock each lay out variations of a plan to incorporate religious exemptions into hypothetical laws recognizing gay marriage in Same-Sex Marriage and Religious Liberty: Emerging Conflicts, supra note 65, at 98, 186, 193.

      [95].   Becket Fund, supra note 1, at 2.

      [96].   There are a number of intriguing questions which I will not explore.  What should count as a religious basis?  Should secular moral objections be protected too, so anyone can easily have an objection?

      [97].   Robert H. Mayer, Introduction to The Civil Rights Act of 1964, 16 (Robert H. Mayer ed., 2004).

      [98].   See statutes cited supra note 34.

      [99].   See Hosanna-Tabor Evangelical Lutheran Church and Sch. v. Equal Emp’t Opportunity Comm’n, 132 S. Ct. 694, 706 (2012) (finding that the Establishment and Free Exercise Clauses bar a discrimination suit against a church by one of its ministers).

    [100].   Same-Sex Marriage and Religious Liberty: Emerging Conflicts, supra note 65.

    [101].   Douglas Laycock, Afterword to Same-Sex Marriage and Religious Liberty: Emerging Conflicts, supra note 65, at 189.

    [102].   Id.

    [103].   Becket Fund, supra note 1, at 2.

    [104].   See, e.g., Suicide Risk, supra note 63, at 20–22.

    [105].   494 U.S. 872 (1990).

    [106].   Becket Fund, supra note 1, at 2.

    [107].   See, e.g., Wilson, supra note 65, at 98 (exempting clerks, who object based on conscience, from being required to issue marriage licenses to same-sex couples, while at the same time requiring information-forcing rules such as referral to a clerk who had no objection); Laycock, supra note 101, at 198 (suggesting that he would have no objection to requiring merchants who deny service to same-sex couples to advertise the fact on a website or sign outside their premises).  He notes that gays might object to the signs as reinforcing prejudice and, on the other hand, merchants might fear public backlash.  Laycock, supra note 101, at 198.

    [108].   California, Colorado, Connecticut, Hawaii, Illinois, Iowa, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Minnesota, Nevada, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, Oregon, Rhode Island, Vermont, Washington, and Wisconsin.

    [109].   See, e.g., Colo. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 24-34-601(1) (West 2008) (antidiscrimination law for public accommodations does not include a church, synagogue, mosque, or other place principally used for religious purposes); Iowa Code Ann. § 216.6(6) (West 2007) (antidiscrimination law for employment does not apply to any religious institutions with regard to any qualifications imposed based on religion, sexual orientation, or gender identity when such qualifications are related to a “bona fide religious purpose”).

    [110].   Laycock, supra note 101, at 198.

    [111].   Id. at 198–99.

    [112].   Id. at 199.

    [113].   Id.

    [114].   Id. at 200.

    [115].   Similarly, Professors Ira C. Lupu and Robert W. Tuttle also note that the religious exemptions for providers of goods and services would be unlike other religious exemptions.  They write that, unlike other religious exemptions that impose their burden on the public as a whole, “[these] proposed religious exemptions to public accommodation laws [would] impose their direct costs on a discrete set of customers . . . along with the dignitary harm of being refused access to services that are otherwise available to the public.”  Ira C. Lupu & Robert W. Tuttle, Same-Sex Family Equality and Religious Freedom, 5 Nw. J.L. & Soc. Pol’y 274, 290 (2010).  I read this article after drafting this piece so we independently reached similar concerns.  For a still more recent article dealing with exemptions, see Douglas NeJaime,Marriage Inequality: Religious Exemptions and the Production of Sexual Orientation Discriminations, Cal. L. Rev. (forthcoming 2012), available athttp://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm
?abstract_id=1969560.

    [116].   20 U.S.C. § 4071 (2010).

    [117].   Laycock, supra note 101, at 189, 190–91.  For a trenchant critique of the Laycock and Wilson approach and their analogies and a careful discussion of how to balance religious concerns and gay marriage, see generally Lupu & Tuttle, supra note 115.

    [118].   Compare W. Va. State Bd. of Educ. v. Barnette, 319 U.S. 624, 635–42 (1943) (recognizing the difference between religious exemptions from generally applicable laws and free speech rules that protect all), with Minersville Sch. Dist. v. Gobitis, 310 U.S. 586, 594–95 (1940) (refusing any religious exemptions from a generally applicable law).

    [119].   20 U.S.C. § 4071.

    [120].   Klarman, supra note 71, at 163.

    [121].   See generally Letter from Eric H. Holder, Jr., U.S. Att’y Gen., to John A. Boehner, U.S. Speaker of the House (Feb. 23, 2011), http://www.justice.gov/opa
/pr/2011/February/11-ag-223.html (expressing the position of the Obama administration that gays and lesbians constitute a suspect class, namely because of the “significant history of purposeful discrimination against gay and lesbian people” and “limited political power” held by gays and lesbians, despite the “growing acknowledgment that sexual orientation ‘bears no relation to ability to perform or contribute to society’” (quoting Frontiero v. Richardson, 411 U.S. 677, 686 (1973) (plurality opinion))).

    [122].   E.g., Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537, 551–52 (1896); cf. The Civil Rights Cases, 109 U.S. 3, 10–12 (1883) (striking down the Civil Rights Act of 1875 and holding that Congress’ constitutional authority under the Fourteenth Amendment to bar racial discrimination applied only to state actors and could not be used to reach discrimination by private individuals).

    [123].   E.g., Goesaert v. Cleary, 335 U.S. 464, 466–67 (1948).

    [124].   Cf. Lawrence v. Texas, 539 U.S. 558, 564–67, 577–78 (2003) (invalidating a Texas state sodomy law and holding that intimate consensual sexual conduct was a liberty interest protected by substantive due process under the Fourteenth Amendment); Romer v. Evans, 517 U.S. 620, 633–34 (1996) (invalidating an amendment to Colorado’s state constitution which prohibited any state action designed to protect homosexuals as a class.  The Court found that the amendment failed to survive rational basis review under the Equal Protection Clause because it was supported by nothing more than “a bare . . . desire to harm a politically unpopular group . . . .”).

    [125].   E.g., Goesaert, 335 U.S. at 465–66 (upholding a law prohibiting women from being licensed bartenders in all cities having a population of 50,000 or more, unless their father or husband owned the establishment), abrogated by Craig v. Boren, 429 U.S. 190, 210 (1976); Plessy, 163 U.S. at 550–51 (upholding racial segregation in rail transportation), overruled by Brown v. Bd. of Educ., 347 U.S. 483, 494–95 (1954); Bradwell v. Illinois, 83 U.S. 130, 139 (1873) (excluding women from the Illinois bar is constitutional).

    [126].   E.g., Loving v. Virginia, 388 U.S. 1, 11 (1967) (“At the very least, the Equal Protection Clause demands that racial classifications, especially suspect in criminal statutes, be subjected to the ‘most rigid scrutiny,’ and, if they are ever to be upheld, they must be shown to be necessary to the accomplishment of some permissible state objective, independent of . . . racial discrimination . . . .”) (citations omitted); Korematsu v. United States, 323 U.S. 214, 216 (1944) (“[A]ll legal restrictions which curtail the civil rights of a single racial group are immediately suspect.”).

    [127].   E.g., Craig, 429 U.S. at 197 (holding gender classifications require substantial relation to important government objectives to pass intermediate scrutiny).

    [128].   E.g., Grutter v. Bollinger, 539 U.S. 306, 327–28 (2003); Roberts v. U.S. Jaycees, 468 U.S. 609, 623 (1984).

    [129].   Cf. Boy Scouts of Am. v. Dale, 530 U.S. 640, 648 (2000) (holding the First Amendment freedom of association allows the Boy Scouts  to exclude a gay scout leader from membership because his presence “affect[ed] in a significant way the group’s ability to advocate public or private viewpoints”).  But cf. Lawrence, 539 U.S. at 573–75; Romer, 517 U.S. at 631 (using heightened rational basis review).

    [130].   E.g., Roberts, 468 U.S. at 623; Grutter, 539 U.S. at 327–28.

    [131].   For example, the Court recently upheld a religious group’s right to import a tea brewed from plants containing a hallucinogen.  Gonzales v. O Centro Espirita Beneficente Uniao Do Vegtal, 546 U.S. 418, 425–26, 439 (2006).  The government asserted interests in protecting the health and safety of church members and preventing diversion to recreational users, but the Court found none of these interests compelling in the facts of the case.  Id.

    [132].   For a more detailed look at state RFRAs, see Lund, supra note 17.

    [133].   Nicholas Confessore, Beyond New York, Gay Marriage Faces Hurdles, N.Y. Times, June 27, 2011, at A1.

    [134].   Colo. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 24-34-601(1) (West 2008) (antidiscrimination law for public accommodations does not include a church, synagogue, mosque, or other place principally used for religious purposes); Iowa Code Ann. § 216.6(6)(d) (West 2007) (antidiscrimination law for employment does not apply to any religious institutions with regard to any qualifications imposed based on religion, sexual orientation, or gender identity when such qualifications are related to a “bona fide religious purpose”); R.I. Gen. Laws § 34-37-4.2 (1995) (antidiscrimination law for housing does not prevent a religious organization from limiting the sale, rental, or occupancy of a dwelling which it owns or operates (for other than commercial purposes) to persons of the same religion or from giving preference to those persons unless membership in the religion is restricted on account of sex, sexual orientation, gender identity or expression, race, color, or national origin or disability).

    [135].   See Michael Kent Curtis, Be Careful What You Wish For: Gays, Dueling High School T-Shirts, and the Perils of Suppression, 44 Wake Forest L. Rev. 431, 437–49 (2009).

    [136].   See id.

    [137].   See Erik Eckholm, Several States Forbid Abortion After 20 Weeks, N.Y. Times, June 26, 2011, at A10.

    [138].   See Lupu & Tuttle, supra note 115, at 20–22.

w08_Curtis_LawReview_4.12

 

By Margot Kaminski

My friends, who are generally well educated and intelligent, read a lot of garbage.  I know this because since September 2011, their taste in news about Justin Bieber, Snooki, and the Kardashians has been shared with me through “social readers” on Facebook.{{1}}  Social readers instantaneously list what you are reading on another website, without asking for your approval before disclosing each individual article you read.  They are an example of what Facebook calls “frictionless sharing,” where Facebook users ostensibly influence each other’s behavior by making their consumption of content on other websites instantly visible to their friends.{{2}}  Many people do not think twice about using these applications, and numerous publications have made them available, including the Washington PostWall Street Journal, and Guardian.{{3}}

I intend to prompt conversation about social readers on three fronts.  First, social readers are part of a shift toward real name policies online, and, for a number of reasons, should remain opt-in rather than becoming the default setting.  Second, if people do choose to use these applications, they should know that they are making that choice against a backdrop of related battles in privacy law concerning the right to consume content without a third party sharing your activity more broadly.  And third, when individuals choose to use these applications, they may be sharing their habits more widely than they think.

I.  Social Readers and Online Real-Name Policies

Social readers are part of a larger trend toward linking online activity to Internet users’ real identities.  Unlike America Online’s use of invented screen names, the two major social networks, Facebook and Google+, require users to register with their real names or verified pseudonyms.{{4}}  Both Google and Facebook aim to link user activity outside of the social network to one identifiable, real name profile, although Google’s aspirations currently appear limited to other Google services, while Facebook’s ambitions are broader.{{5}}  This real-name model is desirable to online companies and their supporting advertisers because it is easier to advertise to someone if you know who he or she is, and know all of his or her online behavior.

Business concerns are not the only motivating factor behind the shift toward real-name policy.  There is also an argument that real-name policies on comment forums may make people behave more civilly toward each other, because they are part of a social community that imports accountability into the online context.{{6}}  This has been compelling to some newspapers.  The Huffington Post, for example, has a Social News feature that encourages readers to log in through their Facebook accounts and comment on articles under their real identities.{{7}}  However, shifting to real name policy creates other problems, such as preventing pseudonymic or anonymous whistleblowing by commenters, and chilling more controversial or critical speech.{{8}}

Social readers are part of this potential collapse of anonymous or pseudonymic online activity.  It used to be the case that reading an article on the New York Times was a separate activity from communicating to your friends on a social network.  Social readers, however, import your reading activity from the newspaper website into your social network and broadcast it instantaneously under your real name.  Your presence on the other website is no longer anonymous.

Despite the potential benefits to companies, the decision to allow instantaneous sharing of all content consumed elsewhere connected to a user’s real identity should remain firmly in the hands of Internet users.  As individuals, we construct discrete identities for different circumstances: one for work, one for home, one for our closest friends.{{9}}  This is in fact the idea behind Google+’s “Circles” feature, which allows a user to tailor the parts of his or her identity that are visible to each “Circle,” whether it be friends, co-workers, or family.{{10}}  For a social network to retain value by mirroring reality, it needs to allow us to retain these distinctions.  Before social readers, one’s decision to read US Weekly at the gym would not be broadcast to one’s coworkers.  If one is forced to sign up for an US Weekly social reader, however, one’s network would see every article read.  This first point is about one’s relationship as an individual to other individuals: we should each be able to control the parts of our identity we want shown to other people.  We do this in real life; we should be able to do this online.  There may also be a benefit to media companies of allowing individuals to be pickier in their sharing: friends might take recommendations more seriously if they are deliberate and limited, rather than a list of everything their mutual friend haphazardly read.{{11}}

Already, some companies have experienced a backlash from making such pervasive sharing the default option for their software.  For example, in September 2011, the music service Spotify announced a partnership with Facebook that would allow new users to sign up only if they have a Facebook account.{{12}}  Users started seeing their music playlists automatically shared on Facebook; they could opt out of the service, but only by manually disabling the sharing feature.{{13}}  In response to a strong negative reaction, Spotify rolled out a more visible new privacy feature to allow users to “hide their guilty pleasures,” according to the Spotify CEO.{{14}}  The strong reaction to Spotify’s automatic frictionless sharing, and the fact that many newspapers have decided not to create social reader applications at all, shows that if users’ interests are kept in mind, frictionless sharing should remain an option, not the default.

II.  Social Readers and Other Privacy Law Battles

Coincidentally or consequentially, the legal debate over privacy and media consumption has taken on new dimensions at the same time that companies move toward frictionless sharing.  As people on Facebook allow the Washington Post to broadly share every article they have ever read, others are fighting to protect reader records from third parties.

First, it’s important to address whether, and why, reader privacy is important.  Librarians are adamant about the importance of reader privacy.{{15}}  The American Library Association has affirmed a right to privacy for readers since 1939,{{16}} and states that “one cannot exercise the right to read if the possible consequences include damage to one’s reputation, ostracism from the community or workplace, or criminal penalties.  Choice requires both a varied selection and the assurance that one’s choice is not monitored.”{{17}}  This concern comes in part from a historical awareness of how the government might abuse knowledge of citizens’ reading material.  Reading material can be used by the government to track dissidence.  Famously, Joseph McCarthy released a list of allegedly pro-communist authors, and the State Department ordered overseas librarians to remove such books from their shelves.{{18}}  Imagine if social readers had existed during the McCarthy era—the government would have been able to check each person’s virtual bookshelf for blacklisted material.  With the advent of data mining, the reading choices that seem innocuous to you can cumulatively be indicative of patterns, intent, or allegiances to others, including law enforcement.{{19}}

The United States has surprisingly scattered law on the question of readers’ privacy.  There is no federal statute explicitly protecting it.  This means that companies are not specifically prohibited on a federal level from sharing your reading history with others.  In practice, librarians usually require a court order for the government to obtain reader records, and most states make that requirement explicit.{{20}} The PATRIOT Act famously raised ire from librarians by permitting the government under certain circumstances to request library patron records secretly and without judicial oversight.{{21}}

Although there is no federal reader privacy statute, related laws concerning library patrons exist in forty-eight states.{{22}}  Recently, there has been a push at the state level to expand protections for reader privacy beyond libraries.  The California Reader Privacy Act, which was signed into law in October 2011 and took effect in January 2012, extends the type of protections traditionally afforded to library patrons to all books and e-books, although it does not extend to other types of reading online.{{23}}  Government entities must obtain a warrant before accessing reader records, and booksellers or providers must be afforded an opportunity to contest the request.  Booksellers must report the number and type of requests that they receive.{{24}}  Requests made in the context of civil actions must show that the requesting parties are using the “least intrusive means” and have a “compelling interest” in the records, and must obtain a court order.

The First Amendment could arguably protect readers from the discovery of their reading history by the government or by third parties using the court system to obtain the information.  A series of cases have given rise to a standard protecting the anonymity of online speakers.{{25}}  Julie E. Cohen has suggested that the First Amendment should extend its protections to a similar right to read anonymously.{{26}}  However, there has not yet been a case where a litigant has successfully made this argument to protect digital reader records under the First Amendment.

We do have one federal law protecting user privacy during content consumption: the Video Privacy Protection Act (“VPPA”),{{27}} which prohibits the disclosure of personally identifiable video rental information to third parties without a user’s specific consent, and prohibits disclosure of the same to police officers without a warrant.{{28}}  This strangely precise piece of law arose after Supreme Court nominee Robert Bork had his video rental records disclosed in a newspaper.{{29}}

Companies have realized, however, that VPPA is a hurdle to their business models.  In December 2011, the House of Representatives passed H.R. 2471, amending VPPA to allow the disclosure of video rental records with consent given in advance and until that consent is withdrawn by the consumer.{{30}}  This change would allow companies such as Netflix to get a one-time blanket consent to disclose user records through frictionless sharing on Facebook.  The Senate Judiciary Committee held a hearing on H.R. 2471 on January 31, 2012, at which many privacy concerns were raised.{{31}}

III.  Oversharing

Those who currently use social readers may be sharing their reading activity far more broadly than they expect.  Your close friends are not the only ones who can see your Facebook profile.  A Freedom of Information Act (“FOIA”) lawsuit by the Electronic Frontier Foundation revealed that law enforcement agencies use social media to obtain information about people by going undercover on social media sites to gain access to nonpublic information.{{32}}  And even if no police officer or other informant has posed as a friend of yours, using a social network to broadcast your reading records means you have shared those records with a third party—the social network itself—which under United States v. Miller means the police may not need a warrant to obtain those records from the social network.{{33}}

Perhaps more significantly, even if we get rid of the Miller doctrine, as Justice Sotomayor recently suggested, the wholesale sharing of your reading history with Facebook friends may ultimately impact the Supreme Court’s understanding of what constitutes a “reasonable expectation of privacy.”{{34}}  In the 1967 seminal Supreme Court case on wiretapping, Katz v. United States, Katz placed a phone call in a public phone booth with the door closed, and was found to have a reasonable expectation of privacy in the phone call, so a warrant was required for wiretapping the phone.{{35}}  Justice Alito recently contemplated that we may be moving toward a world in which so many people share information with so many friends that social norms no longer indicate a reasonable expectation of privacy in that information.{{36}}  Without a reasonable expectation of privacy, there will be no warrant requirement for law enforcement to obtain that information.  This analysis is troubling; sharing information with your friends should not mean that you expect it to be shared with law enforcement.  This would be like saying that just because you sent wedding invitations to 500 of your closest friends, the government is justified in opening the envelope.  The size of the audience for private communication should not change the fact that it is private.

The recent trend toward social readers and other types of frictionless sharing may at first glance seem innocuous, if inane.  But it has occurred just as privacy advocates are pushing to create more privacy protections for readers through state laws, and may result in the loss of VPPA, the one federal law that protects privacy in content consumption.  And users may not understand that sharing what they read with friends may mean sharing what they read with the government, as well.  That is a whole lot more serious than just annoying your friends with your taste for celebrity gossip.  Indeed, it may be another step toward the death of the Fourth Amendment by a thousand cuts.{{37}}



* Research Scholar in Law and Lecturer in Law at Yale Law School, and Executive Director of the Information Society Project at Yale Law School. She thanks Kevin Bankston of the Center for Democracy and Technology for his review and helpful comments.

[[1]] See, e.g., Ian Paul, Wall Street Journal Social on Facebook: A First Look, Today @PCWorld Blog (Sep. 20, 2011, 7:02 AM), http://www.pcworld.com/article/240274/wall_street_journal_social_on_facebook
_a_first_look.html.[[1]]
[[2]] Jason Gilbert, Facebook Frictionless App Frenzy Will Make Your Life More Open, Huffington Post (Jan. 18, 2012),  http://www.huffingtonpost.com
/2012/01/18/facebook‑actions‑arrive‑major‑changes_n_1213183.html.[[2]]
[[3]] See The Washington Post Social Reader, Wash. Post, http://www.washingtonpost.com/socialreader (last visited Feb. 26, 2012); Press Release, The Guardian, Guardian Announces New App on Facebook to Make News More Social (Sept, 23, 2011),available at http://www.guardian.co.uk/gnm
-press-office/guardian-launches-facebook-app; Paul, supra note 1.[[3]]
[[4]] Facebook requires real names as user names, allowing its users to sign into other sites and comment there—although it has just recently started allowing celebrities to use pseudonyms. See Somini Sengupta, Rushdie Runs Afoul of Web’s Real-Name Police, N.Y. Times (Nov. 14, 2011), http://www.nytimes.com/2011/11/15/technology/hiding‑or‑using‑your‑name‑online-and-who-decides.html; see also Nathan Olivarez-Giles, Facebook Verifying Celebrity Accounts, Allowing Pseudonyms, L.A. Times (Feb. 16, 2012), http://www.latimes.com/business/technology/la‑fi‑tn‑facebook‑verified‑accounts
‑nicknames-pseudonyms-20120216,0,3899048.story.  Google’s social network, Google+, uses real names and now pseudonyms, but only if you can prove to Google that you are in fact known by that name elsewhere.  See Claire Cain Miller, In a Switch, Google Plus Now Allows Pseudonyms, N.Y. Times Bits Blog (Jan. 23, 2012, 4:08 PM), http://bits.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/01/23/in-a-switch
-google-plus-now-allows-pseudonyms/.[[4]]
[[5]] Google’s new privacy policy is an example of this. The new privacy policy states that “[w]e may use the name you provide for your Google Profile across all of the services we offer that require a Google Account. In addition, we may replace past names associated with your Google Account so that you are represented consistently across all our services. If other users already have your email, or other information that identifies you, we may show them your publicly visible Google Profile information, such as your name and photo.” Preview: Privacy Policy, Google, http://www.google.com/policies/privacy/preview/ (last visited Feb. 29, 2012).[[5]]
[[6]] See, e.g., Lawrence Lessig, Code and Other Laws of Cyberspace 80 (1999) (“Just as anonymity might give you the strength to state an unpopular view, it can also shield you if you post an irresponsible view. Or a slanderous view. Or a hurtful view.”).[[6]]
[[7]] See Frequently Asked Questions, Huffington Post, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/p/frequently-asked-question.html (last visited Feb. 26, 2012).[[7]]
[[8]] Stone v. Paddock Publications, Electronic Frontier Found., https://www.eff.org/cases/stone-v-paddock (last visited Feb. 26, 2012) (noting that the Illinois Court of Appeals recognized the potential harms in the “chilling effect on the many citizens who choose to post anonymously on the countless comment boards for newspapers, magazines, websites and other information portals”).[[8]]
[[9]] See, e.g., Jan E. Stets & Michael M. Harrod, Verification Across Multiple Identities: The Role of Status, 67 Soc. Psych. Quart. 155 (2004) (investigating status verification across three identities: the worker identity, academic identity, and friend identity).[[9]]
[[10]] See, e.g.Google+ Overview, Google, http://www.google.com/
+/learnmore/ (last visited Feb. 29, 2012) (“You share different things with different people. But sharing the right stuff with the right people shouldn’t be a hassle. Circles make it easy to put your friends from Saturday night in one circle, your parents in another, and your boss in a circle by himself, just like real life.”).[[10]]
[[11]] Jeff Sonderman, With ‘Frictionless Sharing,’ Facebook and News Orgs Push Boundaries of Online Privacy, Poynter (Sep. 29, 2011), http://www.poynter.org/latest‑news/media‑lab/social‑media/147638/with‑frictionless-sharing-facebook-and-news-orgs-push-boundaries-of-reader-privacy/ (noting that “[i]f everything is shared automatically, nothing has significance”).[[11]]
[[12]] See  Sarah Jacobsson Purewal, Spotify Adds Facebook Requirement, Angering Users, Today @PCWorld Blog (Sep. 27, 2011), http://www.pcworld.com/article/240646/spotify_adds_facebook_requirement_angering_users.html.[[12]]
[[13]] See Zack Whittaker, Spotify’s ‘Frictionless Sharing’ Bows to Facebook Privacy Pressure, ZD Net Between the Lines Blog (Sept. 30, 2011), http://www.zdnet.com/blog/btl/spotifys‑frictionless‑sharing‑bows‑to‑facebook‑privacy-pressure/59408.[[13]]
[[14]] Id.[[14]]
[[15]] See, e.g.An Interpretation of the Library Bill of Rights, Am. Library Ass’n, http://www.ala.org/Template.cfm?Section=interpretations&Template=
/ContentManagement/ContentDisplay.cfm&ContentID=88625 (last visited Feb. 26, 2012).[[15]]
[[16]] Id.[[16]]
[[17]] Privacy and Confidentiality, Am. Library Ass’n, http://www.ala.org
/offices/oif/ifissues/privacyconfidentiality (last visited Feb. 26, 2012).[[17]]
[[18]] Robert Griffith, The Politics of Fear: Joseph R. McCarthy and the Senate 215–16 (1970).[[18]]
[[19]] See, e.g., Stephen L. Baker, The Numerati (2008).[[19]]
[[20]] See State Privacy Laws Regarding Library Records, Am. Library
Ass’n, http://www.ala.org/offices/oif/ifgroups/stateifcchairs/stateifcinaction
/stateprivacy (last visited Feb. 26, 2012) (stating that “[l]ibraries should have in place procedures for working with law enforcement officers when a subpoena or other legal order for records is made. Libraries will cooperate expeditiously with law enforcement within the framework of state law.”).[[20]]
[[21]] The USA Patriot Act, Am. Library Ass’n, http://www.ala.org/advocacy
/advleg/federallegislation/theusapatriotact (last visited Feb. 26, 2012) (observing that “[l]ibraries cooperate with law enforcement when presented with a lawful court order to obtain specific information about specific patrons; however, the library profession is concerned some provisions in the USA PATRIOT Act go beyond the traditional methods of seeking information from libraries.”); see also Resolution on the USA PATRIOT Act and Libraries, Am. Library Ass’n, (June 29, 2005),http://www.ala.org/offices/files/wo/reference
/colresolutions/PDFs/062905-CD20.6.pdf (explaining that “Section 215 of the USA PATRIOT Act allows the government to secretly request and obtain library records for large numbers of individuals without any reason to believe they are involved in illegal activity” and “Section 505 of the USA PATRIOT Act permits the FBI to obtain electronic records from libraries with a National Security Letter without prior judicial oversight”).[[21]]
[[22]] State Privacy Laws Regarding Library Records, Am. Library
Ass’n, http://www.ala.org/offices/oif/ifgroups/stateifcchairs/stateifcinaction
/stateprivacy (last visited Feb. 28, 2012).[[22]]
[[23]] See Joe Brockmeier, California Gets Reader Privacy Act: Still Not Enough, ReadWrite Enterprise (Oct. 3, 2011), http://www.readwriteweb.com
/enterprise/2011/10/california-gets-reader-privacy.php.[[23]]
[[24]] See Rebecca Jeschke, Reader Privacy Bill Passes California Senate—Moves on to State Assembly, Electronic Frontier Found. (May 9, 2011), https://www.eff.org/deeplinks/2011/05/reader‑privacy‑bill‑passes‑california‑senate-moves.[[24]]
[[25]] See, e.g., Dendrite Int’l, Inc. v. John Doe No. 3, 775 A.2d 756 (N.J. Super Ct. App. Div. 2001).[[25]]
[[26]] Julie E. Cohen, A Right to Read Anonymously: A Closer Look at “Copyright Management” In Cyberspace, 28 Conn. L. Rev. 981 (1996).[[26]]
[[27]] 18 U.S.C. § 2710 (2006).[[27]]
[[28]] Id.see also Video Privacy Protection Act, Electronic Privacy Info. Center, http://epic.org/privacy/vppa/ (last visited Feb. 28, 2012) (providing an overview of the VPPA).[[28]]
[[29]] See Video Privacy Protection Act, Electronic Privacy Info. Center, http://epic.org/privacy/vppa/ (last visited Feb. 28, 2012).[[29]]
[[30]] See H.R. 2471, 112th Cong. (1st Sess. 2011).[[30]]
[[31]] The Senate Judiciary Committee had a hearing on VPPA in January.  See The Video Privacy Protection Act: Protecting Viewer Privacy in the 21st Century: Hearing Before the Senate Committee on the Judiciary, Subcommittee on Privacy, Technology, and the Law, 112th Cong. (2nd Sess. 2012), available
at 
http://www.judiciary.senate.gov/hearings/hearing.cfm?id=f14e6e2889a80b6b5
3be6d4e412d460f. See also Grant Gross, Lawmakers Question Proposed Change to Video Privacy Law, PCworld (Jan. 31, 2012), http://www.pcworld.com
/businesscenter/article/249058/lawmakers_question_proposed_change_to_video_privacy_law.html.[[31]]
[[32]] Jaikumar Vijayan, IRS, DOJ Use Social Media Sites to Track Deadbeats, Criminal Activity, Computerworld (Mar. 16, 2010), http://www.computerworld.com/s/article/9171639/IRS_DOJ_use_social_media_sites_to_track_deadbeats_criminal_activity_.[[32]]
[[33]] 425 U.S. 435, 443 (1976).[[33]]
[[34]] United States v. Jones, No. 10–1259, slip op. at 3–6 (U.S. Jan. 23, 2012) (Sotomayor, J., concurring).[[34]]
[[35]] 389 U.S. 347, 348, 352 (1967); see also id. at 361 (Harlan, J., concurring) (developing the reasonable expectation of privacy test).  Later Courts would adopt the reasonable expectation of privacy test.  See Smith v. Maryland, 442 U.S. 735, 740 (1979).[[35]]
[[36]] Jones, slip op. at 10 (Alito, J., concurring in judgment). Alito in the concurrence in Jones noted that “even if the public does not welcome the diminution of privacy that new technology entails, they may eventually reconcile themselves to this development as inevitable.”  Id.  At oral argument, Alito remarked that “[t]echnology is changing people’s expectations of privacy. Suppose we look forward 10 years, and maybe 10 years from now 90 percent of the population will be using social networking sites and they will have on average 500 friends and they will have allowed their friends to monitor their location 24 hours a day, 365 days a year, through the use of their cell phones. Then—what would the expectation of privacy be then?”  Transcript of Oral Argument at 44, United States v. Jones 565 U.S. ___ (2012) (No.10–1259).[[36]]
[[37]] See Alex Kozinski & Stephanie Grace, Pulling the Plug on Privacy: How Technology Helped Make the 4th Amendment Obsolete, The Daily (June 22, 2011), http://www.thedaily.com/page/2011/06/22/062211-opinions-oped-privacy
-kozinski-grace-1-2/.[[37]]

By: David Crump*

A prankster sets up a projector and shines images of swastikas onto the side of a synagogue as worshippers enter.  A vandal extinguishes the eternal flame that marks the grave of President John F. Kennedy.  A computer hacker attacks an online memorial dedicated by a grieving family to its recently deceased teenage son by superimposing pornography all over the website.  Each of these situations is similar to an event that actually has occurred or has been hypothesized by a Supreme Court Justice.[1]

And then there are behaviors that seem similar to the above events, but raise other issues.  A group of people who hate the military carries signs displaying homophobic slurs near the funeral of a soldier killed in combat.  A rogue publisher prints a cartoon that depicts a clergyman having an affair with his mother in an outhouse, and the publisher later testifies that he intended to hurt the clergyman through his tasteless publication.  These, too, are situations that have actually occurred and the Supreme Court has written about.[2]

These are examples of behaviors that I call desecration.  Desecration includes utterances that most people would find of little value, although this characteristic alone does not keep them from qualifying as protected speech.[3]  But the above situations involve more than mere tastelessness or offensiveness.  The behaviors in the given examples cause actual harm.[4]  Furthermore, that harm sometimes includes suppression of speech initiated by others.  The problem remains, however, that in some cases the speech or behavior involves a glimmer of expression on a subject of public interest; a weak association with protected speech accompanies the harm.[5]  The courts have experienced considerable difficulty in separating protected speech from unprotected desecration.[6]

Unfortunately, none of the Supreme Court’s opinions provide clear direction for resolving this problem.  Snyder v. Phelps,[7] the case involving a homophobic demonstration near a soldier’s funeral, is the Court’s most recent pronouncement relevant to this issue.  But in Snyder, the Court declined to address whether there is a type of speech that is unprotected as desecration, saying only that “there [was] ‘no suggestion that the speech at issue fell within one of the categorical exclusions from First Amendment protection.’”[8]  Additionally, because the Court treated the particular demonstration at issue as protected, the Snyder opinion naturally occupies itself with extending the freedom of expression, rather than with defining the types of speech that are not protected by the First Amendment.  Thus, although the Supreme Court’s decisions, including Snyder, certainly provide clues about the inquiry pursued in this Article, the Court’s decisions just as certainly leave the question unanswered.

One way to approach this lingering problem is through the formula that the Supreme Court generated in Chaplinsky v. New Hampshire.[9]  In Chaplinsky, the Court recognized that there are unprotected categories of utterances, or what might be called “speech that is not speech,” and the Court used this concept to allow the prohibition of “fighting words.”[10]  The two defining characteristics of unprotected utterances, said the Court, are first, that they “are [not an] essential part of the exposition of ideas,” and second, that they “are of such slight social value as a step to truth” that any positive aspect the utterances might have is “clearly outweighed by the social interest in order and morality.”[11]  The Chaplinsky test offers the prospect of minimizing severely harmful utterances while maintaining the protection of speech.  Since Chaplinsky, the Court has used this general approach to define other categories of unprotected utterances, from child pornography to defamation.[12]

This Article begins by describing the Chaplinsky formula.  It then considers an important proposition that is implicit in Chaplinsky: the notion that there are hierarchies of speech, with some types of expression accorded a higher status  than others.  The Article then proceeds to its real work: the adaptation of the Chaplinsky formula to utterances that desecrate the symbolic expression of others.  There is a special impediment to this adaptation, since some valuable utterances include ridicule, sarcasm, and devaluation of the speech of others.  Here, the Article introduces the concept that the unifying factor in the upper hierarchies of speech is its quality of discourse about public issues, or the degree to which the speech seeks to conduct dialogue on matters of public concern.  A type of utterance that does not have this characteristic, and which seeks only to destroy the expression of others as a matter of personal, invidious pique, is of low speech value, and, if it causes serious harm to others’ freedom of expression, my thesis is that it can be subjected to a test that may treat it as unprotected desecration.

The Article then seeks to apply this concept to various expressive acts that seem to have speech value and to compare these to messages that might better be treated as unprotected desecration.  A final Part sets out my conclusion: that the Chaplinsky formula may serve to identify a category of desecration that can be treated as unprotected.

I.  The Chaplinsky Formula

A.            Balancing to Create Categories, but Not in Individual Cases

In Chaplinsky, the defendant addressed a city official as a “racketeer” and a “damned Fascist.”[13]  He was convicted under a city ordinance that made it a crime to direct any “offensive, derisive, or annoying word” to another person in a public place.[14]  The lower court had interpreted the ordinance narrowly, so that it applied only when the words had “a direct tendency to cause acts of violence by the person to whom, individually, the remark is addressed.”[15]  The Supreme Court began by observing that there are “certain well-defined and narrowly limited classes of speech” that are unprotected.[16]  The Court went on to provide examples: obscenity, libel, and “insulting or ‘fighting’ words.”[17]  It was in this context that the Court set out the Chaplinsky formula for recognizing unprotected utterances: “[S]uch utterances are no essential part of any exposition of ideas, and are of such slight social value as a step to truth that any benefit that may be derived from them is clearly outweighed by the social interest in order and morality.”[18]

Several characteristics of this reasoning deserve emphasis.  First, this approach does not depend on the value of any particular expression.  It instead depends upon whether the expression falls into a category of unprotected utterances.  The Court quoted the lower court with approval: the categorization of the speech is “not to be defined in terms of what a particular addressee thinks. . . . [t]he test is what [people] of common intelligence would understand” the words to mean.[19]  Second, the categories are “narrowly limited.”[20]  These two features of the Chaplinsky approach prevent the denial of speech protection from censoring unpopular expression.

Third, the unprotected categories must be “well-defined.”[21]  This aspect of Chaplinsky means that the denial of protection must be readily recognizable, so that speakers will not fear transgressing an amorphous boundary and, perhaps more importantly, so that public authorities will not retain discretion to silence unpopular speech.  Fourth, there is a balancing approach behind the definition of unprotected categories,[22] but it is unevenly weighted.  Under this approach, protection is denied only when the speech value is “clearly outweighed” by the harm the utterance causes.[23]

Since deciding Chaplinsky, the Supreme Court has defined other types of unprotected utterances.[24]  The Court has expressed its reasons in differing language and has not relied uniformly upon Chaplinsky, but its analysis has usually depended upon unevenly weighted balancing similar to that in Chaplinsky.  For example, in upholding a prohibition on the promotion of sexual performances by children, the Court characterized the value of the expression as “exceedingly modest, if not de minimis,” and recognized that the interest of the state in preventing harm to children “clearly” outweighed this minimal value.[25]  Likewise, in upholding a prohibition on dangerous crowds immediately near embassies, the Court observed that the “congregation clause” did not “reach a substantial amount of constitutionally protected conduct” and emphasized the special national interest in protecting diplomats.[26]  Even when they have protected the expression at issue, the Justices have often used the Chaplinsky test as a means of distinguishing the expression from unprotected utterances.[27]

Is it possible that the Chaplinsky approach can distinguish offensive expression that has a measure of speech value from a defined category of unprotected desecration?  The test would need to be well defined and narrowly limited, as was the Court’s approach in Chaplinsky.  In addition, it would have to provide an unevenly weighted balancing scale and depend upon a categorical definition unrelated to any particular utterance.

B.            The Hierarchy of Speech Values

It is impossible to reconcile the Supreme Court’s decisions without recognizing a hierarchy of speech values.  Indeed, perhaps it is impossible to devise a workable system at all without providing different levels of speech protection.  Political speech, or speech upon issues of public interest, is at the top of the hierarchy.  For example, the protection of government employees when they engage in expression is defined partly by the degree to which their utterances cover “matters of public concern.”[28]  More recently, the Court borrowed this “matters of public concern” standard to use in Snyder, as part of its evaluation of the tort claims against the homophobic picketers—what I would call desecration claims.[29]  There is good reason to value political speech highly, because the definition and protection of all rights, including speech itself, depend upon an electoral system that functions through political expression.

Close behind political speech in the hierarchy are various types of expression that inform the individual’s exercise of the highest speech functions.  One cannot understand the Federal Reserve System without knowing something of economics, for example; and at a more general level, one cannot understand society without having experienced some works of literature.  The Supreme Court’s holdings include protection of informative speech, although sometimes in more limited ways than political speech.[30]

The Court has been explicit in affording lesser protection to some other speech categories.  Commercial speech, for example, can be circumscribed in ways that never would be tolerated with political speech.[31]  The same is true of indecent speech.[32]  Probably the lowest level of speech is that which is engaged in solely for the enjoyment or self-indulgence of the speaker or listener.[33]  Thus, the expression at issue in Chaplinsky, like the expression in the child-sexual-performance case, received only the lowest level of protection.[34]  Still, there is protection of expression even for some kinds of self-indulgent activities.  The courts have protected violent video games, for example, even though the video games do not serve to advance any debate (except, perhaps, debate about whether their distribution should be limited).[35]

If some types of desecration are to be unprotected, then, they must be confined to expression that contains only “exceedingly modest” contributions to information or debate on public issues.[36]  Speech is discourse; this is the key to the Supreme Court’s hierarchy of speech values.[37]  If an identifiable category of utterance forms “no essential part of any exposition of ideas, and [is] of . . . slight social value as a step to truth,”[38] it may fall outside the spectrum of protectable discourse.  If, like “[r]esort to epithets or personal abuse,”[39] the utterance does not “in any proper sense [communicate] information or opinion,”[40] the Chaplinsky formula suggests that the expression can be examined to determine whether its value is “clearly outweighed”[41] by the harm it causes.  Some forms of desecration, arguably, are crude attempts at discourse and must be protected, even if they are also offensive.

On the other hand, perhaps there are types of desecration that fit a narrowly defined category of unprotected utterances.  In fact, the Supreme Court stated in Snyder v. Phelps that “not all speech is of equal First Amendment importance.”[42]  The Court suggested that utterances of a private character, not touching upon “matter[s] of public interest,” could properly be subjected to suits for liability and damages.[43]  The Court added, however, that there was “no suggestion that the speech at issue [in Snyder] falls within one of the categorical exclusions from First Amendment protection, such as those for obscenity or ‘fighting words.’”[44]  This reservation of the issue is why the question raised by this Article remains unresolved.

C.            The Contrary Position of the Absolutists

The argument that there must be levels of speech value is opposed by the claim that speech protection should be absolute.  The most prominent exponent of the absolutist position is probably Justice Hugo Black.  In his opinion in Brandenburg v. Ohio,[45] for example, he rejects the balancing approach contained in the clear and present danger test.  Justice Black consistently refused to assess the value of any particular utterance.[46]  Instead, he compared speech, which he saw as absolutely protected, with conduct, which he believed was not.[47]

But Justice Black was not really an absolutist.  He balanced, even though he did it in an indirect way, by characterizing as “conduct” the utterances he considered unprotected.  In Cohen v. California, for example, he joined an opinion that would have treated an offensive expression as unprotected because it “was mainly conduct and little speech.”[48]  This kind of balancing is dubious because it compares speech with something that has little to do with its potential for discourse or with its resulting harm.

In any event, some kind of balancing is necessary.  Otherwise, the First Amendment would license solicitations of murder, bomb threats, and fraudulent advertising.  Thus, there may be a category of desecration that has negligible speech value.

D.                        “Anti-Speech”: Utterances That Not Only Are Not Speech, but That Actually Impair the Freedom of Expression

The thesis of this Article, then, is that a narrow category of utterances that includes desecration is unprotected by the First Amendment, partly because the category is, in a way of speaking, “anti-speech.”  The issue was not analyzed in Snyder v. Phelps, apparently because the Court credited the lower court’s finding that there was “no suggestion that the speech . . . falls within one of the categorical exclusions from First Amendment protection.”[49]  The category would not have applied in Snyder anyway, because the Court pronounced the speech there protected by the First Amendment.[50]

But, some types of desecration consist not only of matters that implicate little in the way of First Amendment values, but also, those that do the opposite.  They actually impair First Amendment values.  The phenomenon of utterances that impair the freedom of speech is not unfamiliar, but it is also not much noticed.  If an airwaves pirate broadcasts a blank signal over a licensed radio frequency, for example, the resulting interference not only does not advance discourse, it, in fact, cancels it.  Pranksters who shout down a speaker likewise do not advance discourse very much, but they may succeed in preventing people who wish to receive information from getting it.  In these situations, the utterances in question not only are not speech, but they cause actual harm.  This harm is not just to people’s sensibilities, but to the freedom of speech itself.  Sometimes there is a message lurking behind the interference with speech, in the form of an implied statement that “I disagree with the speaker,” but other times there is no such message.

Real-world situations show that desecration sometimes impairs freedom of speech.  Recall the example of pornographic desecration of online memorials, which is said to be a “growing” problem.[51]  A bereaved survivor might think that the most effective way to communicate with a large group of friends or relatives would be through a website dedicated to her lost loved one, but, apparently, the survivor runs the risk that a cybertroll will desecrate her site.[52]  The result is an impairment of her freedom of expression.  Her memorial may even implicate matters of public concern if, for example, the decedent fought a terminal disease, contributed to society in a notable way, died in combat, or lived a life that would inform public debate in any of countless ways.  Pornography pasted over the site disrupts all of these messages, and potential readers are unable to receive her message, because, even if the words and images of the original post are visible, readers are overwhelmed by the pasted images, and it becomes difficult for any viewer to absorb the original message of the site.

In conclusion, the concern for freedom of speech is wasted, and indeed it is backward, if it allows this kind of desecration to censor discourse.  The same conclusion follows, with greater or lesser completeness, in the cases of the prankster who puts out the eternal flame and the bigot who projects anti-Semitic messages on a temple.  The tricky aspect of this proposition, however, is that harm to sensibilities, even if obvious and serious, does not overcome the freedom of speech of those who send out unpleasant messages that actually are a part of discourse.  And the Supreme Court’s decisions protect even those messages that are clumsily or offensively delivered.

II.  Adapting the Chaplinsky Formula to Analyze Desecration

A.            The Simplistic Application

A simplistic approach would characterize acts of desecration as generally unprotected.  That is, if the utterance is highly offensive and causes significant harm in the form of pain inflicted on another person as a response to that person’s speech, the unsophisticated approach would allow the harmful speech to be prohibited.  This approach would inadequately protect the freedom of expression.  As the Supreme Court has put it, speech “may indeed best serve its high purpose when it induces a condition of unrest, creates dissatisfaction with conditions as they are, or even stirs people to anger.”[53]

Some courts have followed the simplistic approach.  Hustler Magazine, Inc. v. Falwell,[54] for example, involved a tasteless, offensive political cartoon and fictional story.  The publication fantasized that a well-known clergyman had engaged in incestuous acts in an improbable and disgusting setting.[55]  But the Supreme Court pointed out that the cartoon was parody, and it implicitly editorialized against the moral views of the clergyman.[56]  The intermediate court nevertheless had affirmed a judgment for intentional infliction of emotional distress by stressing the pain inflicted upon the clergyman and by pointing out that the harm was intentional.[57]  The Supreme Court reversed and linked the expression to political cartoons generally, which are often exaggerated.[58]  Although the Court recognized that this particular effort was inferior to most political cartoons—a “poor relation,” as the Court put it—it held that the category of utterances to which it belonged was protected.[59]

At the same time, the Court in Hustler Magazine recognized that infliction of emotional distress could properly create liability in “most if not all jurisdictions.”[60]  The Court’s approval of this kind of liability must have depended upon the relative absence of speech value in utterances triggering the liability.  This reasoning reinforces the conclusion that some kinds of desecration may be unprotected as well.

B.            Speech as Discourse: A Method for Making the Distinction

One key factor in proper application of the claim for intentional infliction of emotional distress, then, is the absence of a potential for discourse.  For example, “continuous, deliberate, degrading treatment of another” in a private setting, even if characterized as a series of “pranks,” does not invite meaningful discourse, and this is the prototype of the intentional infliction claim.[61]  Similarly, some of the examples given at the beginning of this Article are devoid of any meaningful potential for discourse: extinguishing the flame at President Kennedy’s grave, pasting pornography over a memorial, or broadcasting swastikas onto a place of worship.

On the other hand, a potential for discourse in the category of expression at issue distinguishes the utterances at the beginning of this Article that involve protected speech even if they cause pain to others.  The Supreme Court points out that a political cartoon is a part of discourse, even if it is exaggerated and fictional, and it is for this reason that even a crude effort such as that in Hustler Magazine can qualify as protected speech.[62]  Similarly, a demonstration that denounces the military invites discourse, and the Court held in Snyder v. Phelps that this category includes even crude, offensive messages.[63]

III.  Applying the Adapted Chaplinsky Formula to Acts of Desecration

With this background, one can hypothesize a test for analyzing acts of desecration to determine whether they should be protected or unprotected.  The effort begins with the Chaplinsky formula and its use in other cases that have recognized categories of unprotected utterances.  An utterance of desecration, it might be asserted, may be unprotected if it fits into a category characterized by exceedingly modest or de minimis value as speech and if it predictably causes significant harm, including interference with the protected expression of others.

But this formulation is too general.  Its application would depend too much on case-by-case evaluation of particular utterances, and, therefore, the formula would be vulnerable to misuse.  It might deny protection to unpopular expression.  Instead, a viable test would depend upon factors of more neutral application.

Again, the idea of public discourse is useful.  The test might instead be phrased as depending upon whether the utterance has an element that is a part of discourse on a matter of public concern.  The “public concern” feature is borrowed from Snyder v. Phelps[64] (which borrowed it from prior cases of different categories), and it expresses the possibility that expression centered on public issues is more likely to have real speech value, even if the utterance is crude, than private expressions of spite would have.[65]  The other ingredient is a finding that the utterance has potential for harm, including suppression of protected expression by others, that “clearly outweigh[s]” any value the utterance might have as a part of public discourse.[66]  If desecration is to include an unprotected category, it should be defined so as to require proof of impairment of the exercise of the freedom of speech by another, since this is the core harm caused by desecration.  By putting the elements together, one can hypothesize that there may be a category of unprotected expression that consists of desecration, defined as interference with the sacred or highly valued expression of another, limited so that it covers utterances with only de minimis value as a part of discourse on any matter of public concern, and also with potential for harm to others, including the freedom of speech of others, that clearly outweighs any slight value it may be asserted as having.

One potential problem with this proposal is the allegation that “the boundaries of the public concern test are not well defined.”[67]  One can find evidence to support this allegation in such cases as Rankin v. McPherson,[68] where the Court split five to four in deciding whether the utterance at issue was protected speech.  On the other hand, the public concern distinction was meaningful enough for the Court to approve it in Snyder.[69]  Moreover, it is used in other areas to distinguish protected speech, including areas that generate many court opinions, which should help to define the concept.[70]  Still, a court probably should err on the side of caution in declaring that an utterance does not implicate a matter of public concern.

Conclusion

The suggested formula would deny protection to genuinely valueless acts of desecration.  It can be applied successfully, for example, to the act of pasting pornographic images on an Internet memorial.  This conduct interferes with sacred or highly valued speech of others.  But what is perhaps more important, the conduct meets the other criteria hypothesized here.  That type of desecration communicates little that is part of discourse on a matter of public concern; in fact, it communicates nothing in and of itself.  It does not tell a viewer whether it is motivated by a dislike of online memorials, or by hatred toward the deceased individual, or by a desire to distribute pornography, or by a wish simply for amusement derived from a cruel prank.  This kind of desecration also would carry a high potential for harm—including not only serious psychological harm to those who might appreciate the memorial but also suppression of the speech in which they are engaged.

The same test would deny speech protection to desecration in the forms of extinguishment of the eternal flame and swastikas projected onto the synagogue.  And yet, the proposed test can differentiate the kinds of utterances that the Supreme Court has held are protected.  It extends the protection of the First Amendment to expressions such as the cartoon and story in Hustler Magazine and the demonstration in Snyder against the military near a soldier’s funeral.  Although these utterances are crude and unlikely to persuade others, the Supreme Court would say that they are not in a category that is unrelated to discourse on matters of public concern.

The dividing line depends on context, and it also depends upon the meaning of the words used.  It is not fail-safe.  But, then, neither are other definitions of unprotected utterances.  For example, fighting words of the kind deemed unprotected by Chaplinsky can be identified only by context and meaning.  One can easily imagine situations raising complex fact issues.  Were the parties sufficiently face-to-face and in close proximity, and were the words really directed at a particular individual?  Did the meaning of the particular expression amount, in fact, to fighting words?  The distinction suggested here between speech and unprotected desecration is no more vulnerable to misuse than the approach in Chaplinsky.  Perhaps it can provide a means of protecting speech while minimizing the harm caused by acts of desecration.

 


* A.B. Harvard College; J.D. University of Texas School of Law.  John B. Neibel Professor of Law, University of Houston Law Center.  The author gratefully acknowledges the advice of Professor Eugene Volokh about the subject of this Article, with the usual disclaimer that any deficiencies are the responsibility of the author alone.

[1]. Shaare Tefila Congregation v. Cobb, 481 U.S. 615, 616 (1987) (addressing anti-Semitic phrases and symbols created with paint, hypothesized here instead as light projection to avoid confusion with vandalism; desecration claim upheld on other grounds); Texas v. Johnson, 491 U.S. 397, 439 n.* (1989) (Stevens, J., dissenting) (addressing eternal flame facts; this Justice would presumably approve a desecration claim); Peggy O’Hare, Cybertrolls’ Attacks on Web Add to Mourners’ Pain, Hous. Chron., Nov. 7, 2010, at 1A (recognizing that desecration of online memorials is a “growing . . . occurrence” that “happens on memorial pages all over the world”).

[2]. Snyder v. Phelps, 131 S. Ct. 1207, 1213 (2011) (addressing a father’s tort law claims against picketers of his son’s funeral and ultimately finding in favor of the homophobic demonstrators); Hustler Magazine, Inc. v. Falwell, 485 U.S. 46, 48, 56–57 (1988) (addressing the content of a cartoon and finding that clergyman may not prevail on his claim against publisher).

[3]. Snyder, 131 S. Ct. at 1220; Hustler, 485 U.S. at 56.

[4]. In Snyder, the Court described the conduct at issue as “certainly hurtful” and acknowledged that “its contribution to public discourse may be negligible.” 131 S. Ct. at 1220.

[5]. Id. (stating that the message at issue “addressed matters of public import”).

[6]. One example of courts’ difficulty is found in Hustler, 485 U.S. at 878, 883, in which the Supreme Court reversed the lower court, which had upheld the clergyman’s tort claim against the publisher.

[7]. 131 S. Ct. 1207.

[8]. Id. at 1215 n.3.

[9]. 315 U.S. 568 (1942).

[10]. Id. at 571–72.

[11]. Id. at 572.

[12]. E.g., New York v. Ferber, 458 U.S. 747, 764 (1982) (“There are . . . limits on the category of child pornography which, like obscenity, is unprotected by the First Amendment.”); N.Y. Times Co. v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254, 279–80 (1964) (determining that liability for defamatory falsehood relating to official conduct requires proof of actual malice or reckless disregard of falsity).

[13]. Chaplinsky, 315 U.S. at 569.

[14]. Id.

[15]. Id. at 573.

[16]. Id. at 571–72.

[17]. Id. at 572.

[18]. Id.

[19]. Id. at 573.

[20]. Id. at 571.

[21]. Id.

[22]. See id. at 572.

[23]. Id.

[24]. See Rodney A. Smolla, Words “Which By Their Very Utterance Inflict Injury”: The Evolving Treatment of Inherently Dangerous Speech in Free Speech Law and Theory, 36 Pepp. L. Rev. 317, 319–20 (2009).

[25]. New York v. Ferber, 458 U.S. 747, 747–48 (1982).

[26]. Boos v. Barry, 485 U.S. 312, 313, 323–24 (1988).

[27]. See, e.g., R.A.V. v. City of St. Paul, 505 U.S. 377, 399 (1992) (White, J., concurring) (citing Chaplinsky, 315 U.S. at 571–72); Cohen v. California, 403 U.S. 15, 20 (1971) (citing Chaplinsky, 315 U.S. at 573).

[28]. Rankin v. McPherson, 483 U.S. 378, 384 (1987) (quoting Pickering v. Bd. of Educ., 391 U.S. 563, 568 (1968)).

[29]. See Snyder v. Phelps, 131 S. Ct. 1207, 1216 (2011).

[30]. For example, in FCC v. Pacifica Foundation, the Court upheld the FCC’s determination that a certain comedic monologue was offensive enough to be prohibited as “indecency” under the Communications Act, even though the monologue was informative about the use of (dirty) language. 438 U.S. 726, 739 (1978).  In Cohen v. California, however, the Court treated an offensive political message as protected speech. 403 U.S. at 26.

[31]. Cent. Hudson Gas & Elec. Corp. v. Pub. Serv. Comm’n, 447 U.S. 557, 597–98 (1980) (Rehnquist, J., dissenting).

[32]. R.A.V., 505 U.S. at 427.

[33]. See Bose Corp. v. Consumers Union of U.S., Inc., 466 U.S. 485, 504 (1984) (citing Chaplinsky v. New Hampshire, 315 U.S. 568, 572 (1942)).

[34]. The speech in question was “no essential part of any exposition of ideas,” said the Court, and therefore one can infer that if it had any value, the value was confined to self-indulgent expression.  Chaplinsky, 315 U.S. at 572.

[35]. E.g., Entm’t Software Ass’n v. Swanson, 519 F.3d 768, 772 (8th Cir. 2008) (striking down prohibition of violent video games without finding in them any value on matters of public concern).

[36]. See Ashcroft v. Free Speech Coal., 535 U.S. 234, 250–51 (2002) (quoting New York v. Ferber, 458 U.S. 747, 762 (1982) and reasoning that the Ferber Court held that child pornography was not protected under the First Amendment because of how the pornography was made, not because of the content of the speech).

[37]. See, e.g., Snyder v. Phelps, 131 S. Ct. 1207, 1215–16 (2011) (suggesting that higher forms of First Amendment protection are centered on “meaningful dialogue” and discourse).

[38]. Chaplinsky, 315 U.S. at 572.

[39]. Id. (quoting Cantwell v. Connecticut, 310 U.S. 296, 309–10 (1940)).

[40]. Id.

[41]. Id.

[42]. Snyder, 131 S. Ct. at 1215 (quoting Hustler Magazine, Inc. v. Falwell, 485 U.S. 46, 50–51 (1988)) (internal quotation marks omitted).

[43]. Id. at 1215–16.

[44]. Id. at 1215 n.3.

[45]. Brandenburg v. Ohio, 395 U.S. 444, 449–50 (1969) (Black, J., concurring).

[46]. See, e.g., Rosenbloom v. Metromedia, Inc., 403 U.S. 29, 57 (1971) (Black, J., concurring) (“First Amendment protection extends to ‘all discussion and communication involving matters of public or general concern.’” (emphasis added) (citation omitted)); N.Y. Times Co. v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254, 293–97 (1964) (Black, J., concurring) (explaining that “at the very least” the First Amendment means that a State cannot impose civil libel laws to punish discussion of public affairs or critiques of public officials).

[47]. See, e.g., Cox v. Louisiana, 379 U.S. 559, 577–81 (1965) (Black, J., concurring in No. 24 and dissenting in No. 49) (distinguishing speech, which is never constitutionally regulated, from marching and patrolling, which can be regulated as long as the State’s interest in suppressing the conduct outweighs the individual’s interest in engaging in the conduct); NLRB v. Fruit & Vegetable Packers & Warehousemen, 377 U.S. 58, 76–80 (1964) (Black, J., concurring) (distinguishing permissible restriction of the “patrolling” aspect of picketing from the impermissible restriction of the “speech” involved in picketing).

[48]. Cohen v. California, 403 U.S. 15, 27 (1971) (Blackmun, J., dissenting).

[49]. Snyder, 131 S. Ct. at 1215 n.3.

[50]. Id. at 1219–20.

[51]. O’Hare, supra note 1.

[52]. See generally id.

[53]. Terminiello v. City of Chicago, 337 U.S. 1, 4 (1949).

[54]. 485 U.S. 46, 48 (1988).

[55]. Id.

[56]. Id. at 48, 54–55.

[57]. The Fourth Circuit’s opinion quoted a series of answers by Larry Flynt, a principal in Hustler Magazine, confirming his intention to hurt Reverend Falwell and, indeed, to “assassinate” his reputation.  Falwell v. Flynt, 797 F.2d 1270, 1273 (4th Cir. 1986).  It also quotes the Reverend Falwell’s testimony about the “deep hurt” he understandably experienced.  Id. at 1276.

[58]. Hustler Magazine, 485 U.S. at 53.

[59]. Id. at 54–57.

[60]. Id. at 53.

[61]. See Pollard v. E.I. DuPont de Nemours Co., 213 F.3d 933, 947 (6th Cir. 2000) (analyzing a series of actions that met this description and finding that plaintiffs could proceed to trial with their claims of intentional infliction of emotional distress).

[62]. See Hustler Magazine, 485 U.S. at 53–55.

[63]. See Snyder v. Phelps, 131 S. Ct. 1207, 1220 (2011).

[64]. Id. at 1215–16 (citing cases involving defamation and statements by public employees, and allowing particular utterances to be afforded less protection as speech if not made about “matter[s] of public concern,” but only about private matters).  Snyder, however, did not recognize the nonspeech category proposed here for desecration, and hence it supports the thesis of this Article only indirectly.

[65]. Id. at 1215.

[66]. See id. at 1223 (quoting Chaplinsky v. New Hampshire, 315 U.S. 568, 572 (1942)).

[67]. Id. at 1216 (quoting City of San Diego v. Roe, 543 U.S. 77, 83 (2004)).

[68]. 483 U.S. 378, 379–80, 386–87 (1987).

[69]. Snyder, 131 S. Ct. at 1217–18.

[70]. See, e.g., Hustler Magazine, Inc. v. Falwell, 485 U.S. 46 (1988) (using the public concern test in the area of political speech to find speech was protected).

Article in PDF Form

By: Matthew Alan Cherep*

Introduction

Nearly one in four American adults under the age of fifty has a tattoo.[1]  Modern tattoos may commemorate important events in our lives, like the birth of a child or the death of a loved one; they may signify passionately held beliefs, through a peace sign or a Gadsden Flag; they may pay tribute to one’s heritage; or they may simply be a reminder of youthful indiscretions.[2]  The culture of tattoos has shifted greatly over the last fifty years; once seen as symbols of a countercultural movement, tattoos have pushed their way into the mainstream.  At one point, tattooing was one of the fastest-growing retail businesses in the United States.[3]  Tattoo parlors, once viewed as hangouts for bikers, dropouts, and convicts, have to an extent transformed into high-end tattoo studios frequented by everyone from Hollywood’s rich and famous to middle-aged soccer moms.[4]  America’s recent embrace of tattooing has even spurred the creation of television shows, like L.A Ink, which draw millions of viewers into the world of custom tattooing.[5]  In 2009, one of the most mainstream symbols of Americana, Barbie, got into the act when Mattel introduced Totally Stylin’ Tattoos Barbie, who came complete with forty unique tattoos for both Barbie and the doll owner.[6]

With the spread of tattoos came the spread of tattoo regulation.  Government regulation of tattooing began to take root in the 1930s and 1940s.[7]  Possibly the most important precipitating event in tattoo regulation, however, was a hepatitis outbreak in New York City in the early 1960s that was attributed to an unsanitary tattoo parlor on Coney Island.[8]  The regulation of tattooing has taken many different forms, including special licensing procedures,[9] zoning restrictions that effectively create a total ban,[10] and restrictions requiring that tattooing only be administered by medical professionals.[11]

The process of tattooing, by its nature, exposes the tattoo artist and the tattoo recipient to some significant health risks.[12]  To create a tattoo, an artist uses an electric machine to rapidly move a needle that punctures the tattoo recipient’s skin.[13]  The needle deposits ink inside the second layer of skin, thus creating the design or image.[14]  The end result of the process is “essentially an open wound.”[15]  When applied in unsanitary conditions, tattooing can result in the spread of hepatitis, Human Immunodeficiency Virus (“HIV”), and other blood-borne diseases.[16]  Given the gravity of these health concerns, the government has an important interest in regulating the process of tattooing.

The question remains, however, what rights, if any, do tattoo artists have in practicing their craft?  Determining what rights tattoo artists enjoy depends largely on whether tattooing is considered a protected activity under the First Amendment.  If tattooing is shielded by the First Amendment, then government regulation of tattooing must be narrowly tailored to achieve an important government interest.[17]  Proceeding under this framework of analysis, tattoo artists will be able to ply their trade more freely.  If, however, tattooing falls outside the scope of the First Amendment, government bodies may freely regulate tattooing so long as there is a rational basis for the regulation.[18]  This Comment interprets tattooing and tattoo regulations under a First Amendment framework.

Part I of this Comment describes the current First Amendment framework.  It provides a brief background on the history of free speech protections under the First Amendment by discussing the difference between pure and symbolic speech, as well as between content-based and content-neutral government regulation of speech.  Part II traces the different paths courts have taken when balancing government regulation of tattooing against the First Amendment claims of tattoo artists.  This Part highlights the varying approaches taken in Yurkew v. Sinclair[19] and Anderson v. City of Hermosa Beach.[20]  In Part III, I contend that tattooing is protected symbolic speech under the First Amendment, and that government regulations of tattooing should be subjected to intermediate scrutiny.  The resulting recommendation leaves tattoo artists free to create their expressive body art, while still allowing the government to enact regulations that protect the public from serious health risks.

I.  Background: The First Amendment

The First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution protects citizens from efforts by the federal government to regulate expression.[21]  Through the Fourteenth Amendment, the First Amendment imposes  the same limitations on regulation by the states.[22]  Central to the First Amendment is the belief that in our free society each person has the right to decide—free from government interference—what views she will voice.[23]  “Freedom of expression would not truly exist” if it could only be exercised subject to the whim of a “benevolent government.”[24]  However, not all speech is entitled to protection.  Some speech is considered to have “such slight social value . . . that any benefit that may be derived from [it] is clearly outweighed by the social interest in order and morality,” and thus some speech is left outside the protection of the First Amendment.[25]  Examples of unprotected speech include fighting words,[26] obscenity,[27] and libel.[28]

The First Amendment protects both “pure speech”[29] and “symbolic speech.”[30]  Pure speech connotes verbal communication, either oral or written, unaccompanied by other conduct.[31]  Symbolic speech is conduct that is sufficiently communicative to be treated as protected speech.[32]  The First Amendment protects symbolic speech because “[s]ymbolism is a primitive but effective way of communicating ideas.”[33]  Recognition of symbolic speech reflects the understanding that nonverbal conduct can convey a powerful message.

A.            Content Based vs. Content Neutral

All government restrictions on speech are either content based or content neutral, with content-based restrictions subject to the highest scrutiny.[34]  At the heart of the First Amendment is the belief that the government should not restrict expression merely because it finds the content objectionable.[35]  Were content-based restrictions permissible, the government could silence opposition, control discourse, and advance its own goals.  Content-based restrictions can thus hinder the advancement of self-governance by stagnating thought.  Therefore, content-based restrictions are presumptively invalid.[36]  Whether a law is content based or content neutral depends on whether the government’s purpose in enacting the restriction is to suppress the message.[37]  A government speech regulation must be both viewpoint- and subject-neutral; put differently, the government cannot regulate speech on the basis of either its topic or underlying ideology.[38]  Government regulation that is found to be content based is subject to strict scrutiny, and will only be upheld if the regulation is a narrowly tailored means of accomplishing a compelling government interest.[39]  The test for content-based restrictions is an “exacting” one.[40]  Government regulations that are subject to strict scrutiny are almost certain to be struck down.

A regulation is content neutral if it applies to speech regardless of the message.  For example, a law banning homeowners from putting up any signs on their property would be content neutral.  Content-neutral regulations are subject to intermediate scrutiny—a less stringent standard.  A content-neutral regulation is only constitutional if the restriction is narrowly tailored to accomplish an important governmental interest.[41]

B.            Symbolic Speech that Receives First Amendment Protection

The communication of ideas has never been confined to pure speech.  Sometimes nonverbal conduct, such as marches, sit-ins, or picketing, can have a greater impact on an audience than simple rhetoric.  To leave these forms of communication unprotected by the First Amendment would limit some of the most effective means of communication and could stifle societal discourse and cultural advancement.  Against this background, the United States Supreme Court has recognized the importance of protecting communicative conduct, also known as symbolic speech.  Protected communicative conduct includes displaying a “red flag,”[42] refraining from saluting the American flag,[43] or even burning the American flag.[44]  The ability to march in protest is also protected[45]—even if done in uniforms adorned with swastikas.[46]  In Tinker v. Des Moines Independent Community School District, two teenage members of the Tinker family wore black armbands to school in protest of the then-escalating war in Vietnam.[47]  The Des Moines School District suspended the Tinker children indefinitely until they came back to school without the armbands.[48]  The Court held that the actions of the school were unconstitutional and found that the wearing of armbands was “closely akin to ‘pure speech’” and entitled to First Amendment protection.[49]  While the Court had clearly expressed that communicative conduct could be protected by the First Amendment, the question of how to define which conduct the First Amendment shielded from government regulation persisted.

In Spence v. Washington, the Court crafted a test to determine when expressive conduct warrants First Amendment protection.[50]  In Spence, a college student hung an American flag affixed with a large peace symbol outside the window of his apartment.[51]  The student was convicted of violating a Washington statute forbidding the exhibition of a flag with extraneous material attached.[52]  The Court overturned the conviction, noting that the student’s use of the flag was “a form of symbolism comprising a ‘primitive but effective way of communicating ideas . . . and ‘a short cut from mind to mind.’”[53]

The Court set forth a two-part test to determine whether conduct should be analyzed as speech under the First Amendment.  First, it must be determined whether the “activity was sufficiently imbued with elements of communication to fall within the scope of the First and Fourteenth Amendments.”[54]  Second, conduct deserving of First Amendment protection must not have been “an act of mindless nihilism,” but rather must have demonstrated that “[a]n intent to convey a particularized message was present, and [that] in the surrounding circumstances the likelihood was great that the message would be understood by those who viewed it.”[55]  In Spence, the context of the flag’s display was all-important.  The student hung the modified flag just a few days after the United States’ invasion of Cambodia and the Kent State campus shooting. [56]  The Court found that, within this context, “it would have been difficult for the great majority of citizens to miss the drift of appellant’s point at the time that he made it.”[57]  The Spence two-part test remains the standard for determining whether expressive conduct is entitled to First Amendment protection.[58]

Communicative conduct entitled to First Amendment protection can still be regulated by the government.  The test for the appropriate limits on government regulation of symbolic speech was enunciated by the United States Supreme Court in United States v. O’Brien.[59]  In O’Brien, the defendants burned their draft cards in violation of a federal law making it illegal to destroy or mutilate draft registration cards.[60]  The Court acknowledged its prior holding that “when ‘speech’ and ‘nonspeech’ elements are combined in the same course of conduct, a sufficiently important government interest in regulating the nonspeech element can justify incidental limitations on First Amendment freedoms.”[61]  The Court then offered a test to evaluate government regulation, holding that such regulation of symbolic speech is “sufficiently justified if it is within the constitutional power of the Government; if it furthers an important or substantial government interest; if the governmental interest is unrelated to the suppression of free expression; and if the incidental restriction on alleged First Amendment freedoms is no greater than is essential.”[62]  The Court then applied the test to the burning of the draft card and found that the statute was constitutional.[63]  While the application of the test to the facts of O’Brien can be questioned, the O’Brien framework remains the standard employed by courts today.[64]

II.  Tattooing Bans and the First Amendment

Despite the prevalence of tattoo studios and the often burdensome state regulations affecting these studios, few cases have challenged the constitutionality of such regulations.  Until 2010, no federal court of appeals had passed judgment on tattooing restrictions.[65]  The United States Supreme Court avoided addressing the difficult First Amendment issues raised by tattooing by denying certiorari to a challenge of South Carolina’s restriction on tattooing.[66]  As a whole, tattoo artists have found few friends in the courts.  Courts that have addressed the issue have refused to extend First Amendment protection to tattoo parlors and in so refusing have only subjected tattoo regulation to the most cursory judicial review.[67]  Without tethering tattooing to a fundamental right—such as the First Amendment right to free speech—courts only review state regulations of tattooing under a rational basis standard.[68]  Under rational basis review, a state regulation will be upheld as long as the state can provide a content-neutral rationale for the regulation.[69]  Once a court decides to apply a rational basis standard, it is highly unlikely that a tattoo artist will succeed in having the state regulation overturned.  To pass rational basis review, states cite the possible transmission of communicable diseases and other public health concerns as the rationale behind tattooing restrictions.[70]  Therefore, in order to have tattooing restrictions interpreted using intermediate or strict scrutiny, tattoo artists must show that tattooing is speech protected by the First Amendment.

A.            Early Challenges to Tattoo Restrictions Prove Unsuccessful

Tattoo artists were particularly unsuccessful in challenging tattoo restrictions in the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s.  Early equal protection challenges of tattooing restrictions failed.[71]  Even when tattoo artists argued that highly restrictive regulations infringed on their First Amendment rights, courts gave the argument short shrift.[72]  Often, states and municipalities seeking to restrict tattooing would either impose zoning restrictions or mandate that only qualified physicians could administer tattoos.[73]

In Grossman v. Baumgartener, one of the earliest tattoo cases, a parlor owner challenged a New York health code regulation that made it unlawful “for any person to tattoo a human being, except . . . for medical purposes by [one] licensed . . . to practice medicine or osteopathy.”[74]  The New York health code regulation greatly restricted who could tattoo, and in essence effectively banned expressive tattooing in the state.[75]  But the plaintiff in Grossman did not challenge the statute on First Amendment grounds; instead, the plaintiff claimed that the New York statute was an arbitrary restriction on his right to operate a tattoo parlor.[76]  The New York Court of Appeals engaged in rational basis review and upheld the statute.[77]  The rational basis offered by the State was that tattooing presented a risk of the spread of hepatitis; even with all necessary precautions taken by the “tattooer,” the tattoo recipient was “subjected to a far greater risk of contracting hepatitis.”[78]

Twelve years after Grossman, in People v. O’Sullivan, a tattoo artist raised a First Amendment challenge to the same New York regulation.[79]  The defendant in O’Sullivan claimed that tattooing was protected speech, and therefore that the health code regulation must pass either strict or intermediate scrutiny.[80]  In its opinion, the New York court quoted the Grossman court, which had referred to tattooing as a “barbaric survival, often associated with a morbid or abnormal personality.”[81]  With little substantive analysis, the court found that tattooing was neither pure nor symbolic speech.[82]  The court may have believed tattooing was barbaric; however, it seems hard to justify a conclusion that tattooing involved no symbolic speech.  Although one could argue that tattooing may not be protected symbolic speech under the Spence Test, it seems a stretch to contend the creation of a tattoo does not evidence at least some element of symbolic speech.  Despite the O’Sullivan court’s dearth of substantive analysis, the case is frequently cited for the holding that tattooing is not speech.[83]

B.            Yurkew v. Sinclair: How To Deny First Amendment Protection to Tattooing

Yurkew v. Sinclair[84] is the most influential early judicial opinion denying First Amendment protection to tattoo artists.  David Yurkew, a commercial tattoo artist in Minnesota, sought to rent space at the Minnesota State Fair to ply his trade.[85]  Because he planned to use the space to tattoo, the State Fair denied his application.[86]  Yurkew filed suit, contending that “he [was] an artist, [that tattooing was] protected First Amendment activity, that the State Fair [was] a public forum for purposes of the First Amendment, and that the defendants’ [behavior amounted to] an unlawful and unconstitutional prior restraint.”[87]

Yurkew also claimed that tattooing was an art form entitled to First Amendment protection.[88]  In support of his position, Yurkew offered affidavits from two art professors who considered tattooing to be a form of art.[89]  The State countered these opinions with its own expert who believed tattooing was not art.[90]  However, the court stated that such a debate, though “intriguing,” was unnecessary to answer the question of whether Yurkew was entitled to First Amendment protection.[91]  The court stated that the judiciary is simply “ill equipped to determine such illusory and imponderable questions.”[92]

The court was correct.  Whether speech is classified as “art” does not end the First Amendment analysis. Such a debate would unnecessarily invite the court to make emotional evaluations based on its subjective tastes, and add nothing to the determination of whether the speech is protected.[93]  Symbolic speech need not be art to be protected[94] and labeling something as art does not render the creation sacrosanct from regulation.[95]  The example of graffiti proves such a point.  Graffiti, by definition, is the “unauthorized writing or drawing on a public surface.”[96]  There is no legitimate question that a municipality can punish those who create graffiti, even if that graffiti is considered to be a form of art.[97]  It makes no difference whether the graffiti is a masterful scale replica of Picasso’s Guernica that is intended to symbolize the horrors of war, a gang sign, or simply a red dash hastily painted on a freeway overpass.  The government can punish any of these forms of graffiti equally.

The Yurkew court focused on whether the process of tattooing was communicative conduct protected by the First Amendment.  If tattooing was not protected by the First Amendment, then the State Fair’s denial of Yurkew’s application would need only to survive rational basis review.  But the court saw the process of tattooing as “undeniably conduct”[98] and therefore applied the Spence test to determine whether tattooing was a protected First Amendment activity.[99] However, the court held that tattooing failed the Spence test because the conduct was not “sufficiently imbued with elements of communication.”[100]  The Yurkew court defined the “conduct” of tattooing as “injecting dye into a person’s skin through the use of needles.”[101]  Couched in these terms, the court opined that an observer would be unlikely to recognize the injection of dye as something necessarily communicative.[102]  It remains unclear why the court chose to define the process of tattooing so narrowly.  The court acknowledged that tattoos were communicative, but refused to grant communicative status to the process of creating the tattoo.[103]  What is clear, however, is that defining tattooing so narrowly made it easy for the court to claim that tattooing was not “sufficiently imbued with the elements of communication.”[104]  But the court’s analysis leaves unanswered the question of when, if not during the tattooing process, the communicative nature of the tattoo appears.

Under the court’s theory, any act of speech can be broken down into unintelligible components.  Few would be swayed by the argument that writing a political pamphlet is merely the transfer of ink onto paper, and thus not sufficiently communicative.  Imagine a pair of constables running to grab the pen from an author’s hand, one of them yelling, “Stop him before the ink makes something sufficiently communicative!”  Even assuming the Yurkew court’s narrow definition of tattooing, however, the analysis seems to ignore Supreme Court precedent relating to printing ink.[105]

In Minneapolis Star & Tribune Co. v. Minnesota Commissioner of Revenue, the Supreme Court reviewed Minnesota’s imposition of a special use tax on paper and ink used in the publication of newspapers.[106]  The Star Tribune challenged the tax as violating the First Amendment guarantee of freedom of the press.[107]  The Court agreed with the newspaper and struck down the tax as infringing on the First Amendment.[108]  Just as it was clear that the printing ink would be used to create First Amendment-protected newspapers, it seems that the “injection of dye” in tattooing would be used to create protected speech.  Combining the analyses in Minneapolis Star & Tribune and Yurkew, it seems that a state would be barred by the First Amendment from imposing a special tax on tattoo-only dye, but would not run afoul of the First Amendment by banning the use of that dye to create a tattoo.  Such a result is mind-boggling.  In the end, however, the Yurkew court held that “[w]herever the amorphous line of demarcation exists between protected and unprotected conduct for First Amendment purposes . . . tattooing falls on the unprotected side of the line.”[109]

Once the court determined that tattooing was not a protected First Amendment activity, the State Fair Board needed only to show that a rational basis existed for its decision to deny Yurkew a rental space.[110]  The State Fair Board contended that protecting the health, safety, and welfare of its patrons was the reason it chose to prohibit tattooing at the State Fair.[111]  The court took a very tempered approach toward the health and safety rationale, finding that even though the health and safety concerns “may not be compelling, the risk [to public health] is nevertheless a real one, and it is not irrational . . . .”[112]  Thus, the State Fair Board’s decision to deny Yurkew rental space was upheld.[113]

The effect of the Yurkew decision continued to be felt for almost thirty years.  Many courts have simply followed Yurkew.[114]  One example is State ex rel. Medical Licensing Board v. Brady, in which the Court of Appeals of Indiana rejected a tattoo artist’s First Amendment claim almost out of hand.[115]  The Brady court repeatedly cited to Yurkew, relying heavily on that court’s reasoning to find that the Indiana statute’s restrictions on tattooing were constitutional.[116]

Following O’Sullivan and Yurkew, parties challenging tattoo restrictions seemed to shy away from First Amendment infringement claims.  A 1984 federal district court case from Delaware provides an example of this.  In Kennedy v. Hughes, the plaintiff wanted to open a tattoo parlor in the seaside town of Rehoboth Beach, Delaware.[117]  Kennedy was told by the City Building and Licensing Inspector that he need only apply for a standard business license and he would then be free to open a tattoo parlor.[118]  After renting a location and purchasing equipment, Kennedy opened his parlor.[119]  A few days after the parlor’s opening, the mayor of Rehoboth Beach made an unannounced visit to the tattoo parlor to tell Kennedy that the parlor must be closed because tattoo parlors were inconsistent with the town’s image as a “nice family type town.”[120]  Less than two weeks later, local business owners lobbied the Rehoboth Board of Commissioners to close the tattoo parlor because it was “not in keeping with the quaint, unspoiled character of this lovely resort [town].”[121]  The Board of Commissioners complied, and passed an ordinance limiting the class of persons who were legally entitled to give tattoos to those with a medical license.[122]

The case was ripe for a First Amendment challenge.  Kennedy seemingly had ample evidence that the ordinance was content based, as it was created solely to prevent the “undesirable” business of tattooing.  A content-based ordinance would be subjected to strict scrutiny and would likely be struck down as unconstitutional.  Indeed, Kennedy originally pled a First Amendment claim, but then abandoned it at oral argument.[123]  Kennedy instead argued that the ordinance was arbitrary and lacked a rational basis.[124]  Kennedy, of course, was unsuccessful as the court concluded that health concerns associated with tattooing provided a rational basis for the ordinance.[125]  It is possible the Kennedy outcome was simply the result of bad lawyering; however, his abandonment of his First Amendment claim could also have been influenced by a sense that the court was unwilling to find tattooing to be a protected activity under the First Amendment.

C.            Once More Into the Breach: First Amendment Challenges Come Back in Vogue

By the late 1990s, tattoos had become less a symbol of counterculturalism and more of a mainstream phenomenon.[126]  In the early 1960s, states began repealing the most restrictive tattoo regulations; by 2002, only South Carolina and Oklahoma still maintained statewide tattooing bans.[127]  Similarly, courts’ attitudes toward tattooing and tattoo restrictions began to change.  Whereas early courts were particularly cavalier in chastising the “barbarism” of tattooing, by the end of the 1990s tattoo artists found a few advocates on the bench who were zealous in their protection of the art of the tattoo.[128]  In 1999, a Massachusetts court struck down a statute limiting tattooing to licensed physicians as unduly broad.[129]  The court reasoned that if tattoos were themselves constitutionally-protected expression, then it was logical that the maker of the tattoo would be protected as well.[130]  It analogized this to protecting the owner of a piece of art, but leaving the painter, whose brush created the work, unprotected.[131]  The court concluded that severing the conduct from the speech would “undercut the foundation of the First Amendment protections.”[132]

While it is fair to say some change had occurred, other courts continued to view tattooing as not protected by the First Amendment.[133]  The South Carolina Supreme Court in State v. White upheld South Carolina’s restrictive tattoo ban in 2002.[134]  The court took an almost-identical approach as that taken in Yurkew, and refused to find that tattooing was sufficiently communicative symbolic speech to warrant protection.[135]  Whereas affixing a peace sign to an American flag is the paradigmatic example of protected communicative speech,[136] tattooing was merely the process of injecting dye into the skin.[137]  Furthermore, the majority found that, even if tattooing was an art form, the health risks inherent in tattooing clearly necessitate greater restrictions than would be permitted on painting, writing, or sculpting.[138]  One strongly dissenting justice believed tattooing should be protected just as staunchly as other art forms.[139]  To this dissenting justice, the only difference between a tattoo created by the plaintiff and a painting was the medium on which the art was created.[140]  The medium of expression may dictate the type of acceptable regulation, but it may not dictate whether the speech is entitled to First Amendment protection.[141]  Finally, the dissent argued that cases such as Yurkew and its progeny should be disregarded as hailing from a bygone era when tattooing was seen as “an anti-social sentiment.”[142]

White is more significant for its dissent than for the majority opinion.  The majority is not groundbreaking; it simply retreads the same ground as Yurkew and adds little along the way.  The dissent, on the other hand, overtly questions the motives and precedential value of prior court decisions.[143]  Implicitly, the dissent charges earlier courts with holding a bias against tattoos and the countercultural or antisocial feelings they ostensibly represented.[144]  The implication is particularly troubling in the context of the First Amendment.[145]  Judicial protection is needed for unpopular speech, not mainstream views.  While the whims of the populace certainly dictate legislation, the courts must uphold the supermajoritarian values of the Constitution and prevent the tyranny of the majority.[146]

The dissent in White may be correct to question the bias of prior courts; however, not all prior court opinions have been colored by impermissible bias.  Bias against tattooing may have influenced the Grossman court, which saw tattooing as barbarism; however, there is no indication that bias influenced the Yurkew decision.  Though the dissent in White clearly disagrees with the concerns of the Yurkew court, it is sophism to merely proclaim bias and then move on.  The easiest way to avoid a claim of bias is to follow the lead of the Yurkew court and refuse to engage in a debate over whether tattooing is an art.  Ironically, the White dissent becomes bogged down in this very debate, offering so many platitudes about the art of tattooing that much substantive analysis is lost.[147]

Whether swayed by the dissent’s opinion in White or simply by changing attitudes toward tattoos, South Carolina repealed its harsh restrictions on tattooing in 2004.[148]  The last holdout against tattooing, Oklahoma, repealed its ban in 2006.[149]  However, the repeal of these state restrictions did not swing the doors wide open to tattoo artists, it merely shifted regulation to the local level.[150]  Tattoo artists were next met with similarly restrictive local ordinances.  For the most part, recent challenges to these ordinances on First Amendment grounds have been unsuccessful.[151]  However, a constitutional challenge to a local tattooing ban came before the Ninth Circuit in 2010.[152]  In Anderson v. City of Hermosa Beach, the Ninth Circuit struck down a city ordinance banning tattooing as a violation of the First Amendment.[153]  The Ninth Circuit’s opinion may forever change the lens through which courts view tattooing.

D.            Anderson v. City of Hermosa Beach: First Amendment Protection Achieved

Hermosa Beach, an independent beach community in Los Angeles County, is located just minutes from Los Angeles International Airport and is home to about 20,000 residents[154]—and exactly zero tattoo parlors. Although tattooing is legal in Los Angeles County as a whole, Hermosa Beach’s zoning ordinance prohibits tattoo parlors.[155]  When Johnny Anderson, a tattoo artist and tattoo parlor owner, requested a special exemption to open a parlor in Hermosa Beach, the City denied his request.[156]  Anderson, who had brought a similar suit against a neighboring city a few years earlier, was undeterred and sued the City, claiming the ban was facially unconstitutional as an infringement on his First Amendment rights.[157]  The District Court for the Central District of California disagreed, finding that tattooing was not “sufficiently imbued with the elements of communication” to warrant First Amendment protection.[158]  The court held that “the tattoo artist does not convey an idea or message discernible to an identifiable audience.”[159]

The Ninth Circuit overturned the lower court and found that tattooing was protected speech.[160]  Although the court reached an appropriate conclusion, its rationale was at times vexing and unsupported by case law.  The Ninth Circuit found, unlike any other court to consider the issue, that tattoos, the tattooing process, and even the business of tattooing were all pure speech and entitled to full First Amendment protection.[161]  The court rejected the Spence test as the appropriate framework, finding Spence only applicable if the end product of the conduct was not pure speech.[162]  According to the Anderson court, the key question was whether tattoos were more like writing, which the court viewed as purely expressive, or like burning a draft card, which is conduct used to express an idea.[163]  Because tattoos consist of words, images, and symbols, and each of these individually is entitled to full First Amendment protection, the court reasoned that tattoos must be protected as well.[164]  Further distancing itself from prior opinions on this issue, the Ninth Circuit rejected the O’Brien test as the correct framework to determine whether the government interest in regulating tattooing outweighed the First Amendment right.[165]  The court found that the O’Brien test was only applicable to judging governmental restrictions on expressive conduct.[166]  Since tattoos, tattooing, and the tattoo businesses were all pure speech rather than expressive conduct, the appropriate framework under which to evaluate regulations was the “time, place, or manner” test.[167]

1. The Anderson Court Finds Tattooing To Be Pure Speech

The Ninth Circuit declined to find protection for tattooing as symbolic speech, choosing instead a model that afforded plenary First Amendment protection.[168]  In Anderson, the court rejected the Yurkew court’s notion that the tattooing process involves merely the injection of ink, holding that tattooing is a process meant to create a tattoo.[169]  The Ninth Circuit noted that it had “never seriously questioned” the “purely expressive” purpose inherent in the process of creating other, more traditional, art forms; it had never before drawn a distinction between the process of creating the art and the art itself.[170]  No court had ever questioned whether “the process of writing words down on paper, painting a picture, and playing an instrument [were] purely expressive activities entitled to full First Amendment protection.”[171]  How could the Declaration of Independence be protected, but writing with a quill on paper not be?[172]

While its conclusion—finding First Amendment protection for tattooing—is correct, the court’s rationale is incomplete.  Even if one agrees that tattooing should be protected, it seems illogical to argue that the creation of a tattoo is not symbolic conduct.  The Ninth Circuit repeatedly used similes to mask this contradiction.  At one point the court asserts that tattooing is “more akin to traditional modes of expression (like writing) than the process involved in producing a parade.”[173]  At another, it says that tattooing cannot be separated from the tattoo just as we could not “disaggregate Picasso from his brushes and canvas” nor could we “value Beethoven without the benefit of strings and woodwinds.”[174]  The reader of the court’s opinion goes along agreeing with each simile because, after all, a tattoo is really nothing like a parade.  Or is it?  Does it even matter?  Organizing a parade is both conduct and protected speech.[175]  Disaggregating the painting process from the art itself still produces two forms of protected speech: conduct and pure speech.

The Anderson court seems to assume that attaching the label of “conduct” to tattooing would mean waving goodbye to First Amendment protection.  However, admitting that tattooing someone’s skin is conduct does not wash away all First Amendment protection, nor does it open a Pandora’s Box of government regulation.  Spence and its progeny clearly state the opposite.  Burning a flag is protected expressive conduct.[176]  Refusing to salute the flag is protected expressive conduct.[177]  Wearing a black armband to protest the Vietnam War is protected expressive conduct.[178]  In fact, if expressive conduct meets the Spence test, it is entitled to the same protections as pure speech.[179]  Putting a quill to paper is conduct, as is making strokes on a canvas, or blowing notes through a saxophone.  All of this conduct would be properly protected under the Spence test as well.

The Anderson court correctly dismissed the argument that because tattoos are purchased for money, First Amendment protection is lost.[180]  The United States Supreme Court has continuously held that compensating the speaker does not remove the speech from the ambit of First Amendment protection.[181]  However, the Anderson court seems to have gone further by claiming that the business of tattooing is pure speech.  The court held that if a tattoo was protected, and tattooing was pure expression, then the sale of the tattoo was pure expression as well.[182]  The Ninth Circuit supported the designation of the business of tattooing as independently-protected pure speech, citing to two circuit court cases related to the sale of art.[183]  However, case law on the sale of artwork does not necessarily provide as strong an analytical support as the Anderson court seemed to believe it provided.

In Bery v. City of New York, a case cited favorably by the Anderson court, artists challenged a city ordinance that made it nearly impossible to obtain a permit to sell artwork on public streets.[184]  The Second Circuit found that the sale of artwork was entitled to First Amendment protection;[185] one possible reading of Anderson, however, is that the court misinterpreted the Second Circuit’s rationale.  The Bery court found that the sale of art was protected First Amendment speech not because the art itself was protected, but rather because the very sale of the art, and the place in which the artists sold it, conveyed its own independent statement.[186]

In Bery, the artists claimed that the decision to sell their art in public, as opposed to in a gallery, presented its own discernable message.[187]  The court found that the choice to sell publicly was important because it conveyed the artists’ belief that art should be accessible and available to all.[188]  In Anderson, there was no claim that the manner chosen to sell tattoos represents independent speech, and thus one might argue that Bery is inapplicable.  Even though case law does not necessarily support independent First Amendment protection for the business of tattooing, the point is largely moot because charging for the service of tattooing does not remove the First Amendment’s protection of the process of tattooing.[189]  Thus, tattooing is still an activity entitled to First Amendment protection regardless of the fact that the tattoo is not provided gratuitously.

2. The Anderson Court’s “Time, Place, or Manner” Analysis

The Anderson court held that the Hermosa Beach ordinance was unconstitutional under even the traditional (and less stringent) “time, place, or manner” test.[190]  Anderson did not argue that the city ordinance was content based—he said the regulation constituted an “unconstitutional restriction on a means of expression”—and so the court did not reach the question of whether the city ordinance could withstand strict scrutiny.[191]  Instead, the court applied the “time, place, or manner” test and found that the restriction was invalid.[192]

In determining the constitutionality of the city’s ban, the Anderson court looked to whether the ban was a proper “time, place, or manner” restriction on public speech.[193]  A content-neutral speech restriction is constitutional under the “time, place, or manner” test if the speech restriction serves an important government interest, is narrowly tailored to meet that purpose, and leaves open alternative channels for the speech.[194]

The Anderson court found that the city ordinance was an unconstitutional restriction because it was not narrowly tailored to any important state purpose and because it did not allow for alternative channels for the speech.[195]  Assuming that the government interest in this case—health—is a significant interest, the question then becomes how narrowly tailored the restriction must be.  In order to pass constitutional muster, the city’s regulation need not employ the least intrusive means available.[196]  However, a restriction on protected speech cannot be “substantially broader than necessary to achieve the government’s interest.”[197]  Here, the total ban on tattooing was seen as “substantially broader than necessary” to protect the interests of health.[198]  The court noted that tattooing can be safe if performed under appropriate conditions, and conditions can be monitored through regulation, as evidenced by regulatory schemes throughout the country.[199]

Hermosa Beach, however, claimed that anything less than a total ban on tattooing would leave the public unprotected.[200]  The City supported its argument by pointing out that Los Angeles County only employed one health inspector to monitor 300 tattoo parlors and over 850 tattoo artists spread throughout the county.[201]  The health inspector was already stretched far too thin and thus a tattoo parlor in Hermosa Beach would likely be able to operate completely outside the watchful eye of meaningful government regulation.[202]  Therefore, anything short of a total ban on tattooing would be tantamount to unregulated free rein for the parlor owner.  The court was not persuaded by this logic.[203]  Although a total ban would be the most convenient way of addressing health concerns, the City must show more: it must demonstrate that health concerns cannot be adequately addressed without a total ban.[204]  Because the City did not demonstrate that its concerns about public health justified a total ban, and could not have been met through less restrictive regulation, its argument failed.[205]

The court also found that the tattoo ban left Anderson without “ample alternative channels for communication of the information.”[206]  The court’s “alternative channels” analysis is largely irrelevant because it found that the ban was not narrowly tailored.[207]  Despite this arguable irrelevance, it is important to note possible logical flaws in the Anderson court’s application of the “alternative channels” standard.

The city contended that Anderson was afforded multiple alternative channels of communication because he was free to open a business in Hermosa Beach applying temporary tattoos of the same design, or selling t-shirts bearing his artwork.[208]  The court found such an argument unpersuasive, noting that the very nature of a tattoo creates such a distinct message that t-shirts or temporary tattoos would not be an adequate alternative.[209]  The court maintained that a tattoo, by its very nature, conveys a totally unique message.[210]  The permanence of a tattoo “suggests that the bearer . . . is highly committed to the message” that he is displaying.[211]  A tattoo may “provide information about the identity of the ‘speaker.’”[212]  For example, a tattoo can suggest the bearer’s sense of autonomy or “ownership over the flesh,” which cannot be shown through a t-shirt.[213]  Finally, the court found persuasive the argument that the pain involved in getting the tattoo may itself be highly symbolic for the bearer.[214]

The Anderson court’s rationale concerning why t-shirts or temporary tattoos are not appropriate alternative channels of communication is arguably flawed.  The court compares the distinct message of a tattoo with the message sent by a homeowner who affixes a sign to her property.[215]  In City of Ladue v. Gilleo, the United States Supreme Court struck down a city ordinance banning the display of signs on private property.[216]  The Court held for a  homeowner who wanted to place a sign on her private property, handbills, letters, bumper stickers, and speeches were not sufficient alternative channels for that speech.[217]  The Court focused on the way affixing a sign to one’s home can impact the meaning of the message, depending on the identity of the homeowner.[218]  It noted that “[a] sign advocating ‘Peace in the Gulf’ in the front lawn of a retired general or decorated war veteran may provoke a different reaction than the same sign in a ten-year-old child’s bedroom window . . . .”[219]

A tattoo may very well make a statement by the bearer about his own identity; however, the Supreme Court’s opinion in Gilleo is relevant and important for another reason.  The Court did not find the message conveyed by a lawn sign distinctive because of what it said about the speaker—rather, the Court focused on how the identity of the homeowner could change the meaning of the message itself.  In short, the ability to link the speaker so directly to the message may change the meaning of the message.[220]  Here, the identity of the speaker is equally clear—whether the message is in the form of a t-shirt, a temporary tattoo, or a permanent tattoo—because the message moves with the wearer.  The ability to equate the identity of the message-maker with the message that was so important to the Supreme Court is absent in the case of the tattoo artist.

Additionally, the Supreme Court held that the low cost of attaching a sign to one’s residence was an important factor in determining whether other channels of communication were practical alternatives.[221]  Tattoos are also distinguishable on this point, as they are a significantly more expensive alternative than a relatively cheap t-shirt or temporary tattoo.  Finally, the Court noted that signs on private residences are often aimed at reaching neighbors who could not be reached as easily through other means.[222]  Again, this reasoning does not apply to tattoos because the same audience would be reached just as easily with a t-shirt or a temporary tattoo.  The First Amendment does not guarantee an individual the most effective means of communication—only the means to communicate effectively—and the speaker could do so by exhibiting the same message on a t-shirt as they might via a tattoo.[223]  However, regardless of whether t-shirts are a practical alternative channel, Hermosa Beach’s total ban on tattooing still fails under this analysis because it was not narrowly tailored.

The Ninth Circuit’s sweeping extension of First Amendment protection of tattooing reached the proper conclusion that Hermosa Beach’s tattoo ban was unconstitutional.  However, deficiencies in the Ninth Circuit’s logic, particularly its decision to abandon the SpenceO’Brien framework, should be resolved by subsequent courts.

III. Tattoos Within the Appropriate Framework: Spence Re-Analyzed

Case law leaves future courts with two possible approaches to follow in analyzing whether tattooing is a protected First Amendment activity: the Yurkew approach and the Anderson approach.  Under either approach the court must determine (1) whether tattooing is entitled to First Amendment protection; (2) if tattooing is protected, whether the government has an important interest unrelated to suppression of the message in regulating tattooing; and (3) whether the regulation does no more than necessary to achieve the government’s purpose.[224]

Under the Yurkew approach, tattooing will be protected if a court finds tattooing is conduct that is sufficiently communicative to amount to speech.[225]  Under this interpretation, the Spence test will be employed.[226]  If tattooing passes the Spence test, the challenged government regulation will be upheld only if it passes the O’Brien test.[227]  Under the Anderson approach, it is presumed that tattooing is “pure speech” and thus that the government restriction will only be upheld if it passes muster as a “time, place, or manner” restriction on free speech.[228]  The task going forward will be for courts to determine which path to take.

Courts should apply the Yurkew framework, but employ much of the Anderson court’s logic to reach the conclusion that tattooing is a protected First Amendment activity.  The Yurkew approach is appropriate because the process of tattooing is communicative conduct, not pure speech.  First, the Ninth Circuit’s contention that tattoos themselves are pure speech is flawed.  If wearing a black armband in opposition to the Vietnam War is symbolic speech, how could displaying a tattoo of a peace sign in opposition of the genocide in Sudan be pure speech?  Second, even if one views tattoos themselves as pure speech, it does not necessarily follow that the creation of pure speech is similarly pure speech.  One might imagine the Ninth Circuit fearing that John Singer Sargent painting on a canvas or an oboe player representing the Duck in Peter and the Wolf will be viewed as engaging in communicative conduct.  But this fear is unfounded because sufficiently communicative conduct is entitled to First Amendment protection.  Thus, arguing that the process of using an electric tattoo gun to create an image on the tattoo bearer’s skin is not conduct crafts an unnecessary legal fiction.  Third, the Ninth Circuit touts the “time, place, or manner” analysis as more protective than the O’Brien test; however, the Supreme Court has held that “the O’Brien test ‘in the last analysis is little, if any, different from the standard applied to time, place, or manner restrictions.’”[229]  Given these flaws in the Ninth Circuit’s analysis, courts should not follow the Anderson court down its self-imposed analytical rabbit hole.

The act of tattooing passes the Spence test.  While the Yurkew court broke tattooing down to its most simplistic components, there is no reason to view tattooing so narrowly.  Accepting a broader view of tattooing yields a different result under the Spence test.  Just as painting is more than the process of putting pigment on a surface, tattooing is more than injection of ink into the skin—it is the process of creating a tattoo.  The Anderson court was correct in viewing an artist tattooing as no different than Caravaggio painting The Calling of St. Matthew.  The process of creating a tattoo is “sufficiently imbued with the elements of communication” because it involves the creation of symbols, images, and words used to convey a message.[230]  If a painting is sufficiently imbued with elements of communication, a tattoo is as well.  Tattooing also evidences a clear intent to convey a specific message that in the surrounding circumstances is likely to be understood by those who view it.  The meaning of the tattoo created by the tattooing process need not convey a succinctly articulable message in order to pass the Spence test.[231]

Therefore, it is no answer to say that tattooing should not be protected because an observer would not interpret exactly the message that is intended to be conveyed by the tattoo.  While we may ask someone what his tattoo means, we know full well the tattoo must mean or commemorate something.  Finally, given the surrounding circumstances of the creation of a tattoo, it is almost certain an that observer would know some sort of communicative expression was being created.  Just as it is obvious to passersby that an artist with an easel in New York’s Central Park is making some sort of communicative image, it is obvious upon passing a tattoo parlor that inside the tattoo artist is plying her trade.

As the Yurkew court advised, courts should not become forums for debate about whether tattooing is an art form.  Neither the Spence test nor the designation of communication as pure speech require the subjective determination of whether something is or is not art.  Is tattooing art?  Is a video game?  Is building a custom car?  Is making a puff pastry?  These questions are best left for society to debate—not for judges to dictate.[232]  Whether one sees tattooing as art or barbarism, when properly analyzed, tattooing should be seen as sufficiently communicative to receive First Amendment protection.

Finally, under the O’Brien test, a complete ban or similarly-severe restriction on tattooing would be unconstitutional.  Assuming that the asserted government interest is guarding against the health risk inherent in tattooing, a complete ban would not be narrowly tailored to accomplish that goal.  Tattooing can be done safely; in fact, all fifty states can manage the health risks of tattooing without having to resort to a complete ban.[233]  The serious health risks of tattooing can be—and are—alleviated through significantly less restrictive regulation than through the imposition of a total ban.  A governmental body can simply hire or dedicate a currently-employed health inspector to inspect tattoo parlors.  If those parlors fail inspection, they can then be shut down.  Furthermore, a governmental body can pass the additional budget expense of inspections on to the tattoo parlor through an increased license fee.  It is clear, however, that a complete ban is “greater than is essential to the furtherance” of health and safety interests.[234]

Thus, although the Anderson court reached the correct conclusion—that tattooing should be a protected First Amendment activity—the Yurkew framework is more logically consistent with the nature of tattooing.  Applying the symbolic speech framework allows tattoo artists the proper freedom to practice their craft while allowing government regulation to protect the public from significant health risks.

 


[1]. Tattoos and Piercings Go Mainstream, But Risks Continue, Nw. U. Newscenter (June 12, 2006), http://www.northwestern.edu/newscenter/stories
/2006/06/tattoos.html.

[2]. See id. (stating that about a quarter of those with tattoos have regrets about it).

[3]. Mary Lord & Rachel Lehmann-Haupt, A Hole in the Head?, U.S. News & World Report, Nov. 3, 1997, at 67.

[4]. See, e.g., Chris Wroblewski, Tattoo: Pigments of Imagination 7 (1987); Elizabeth Hayt, Over-40 Rebels with a Cause: Tattoos, N.Y. Times, Dec. 22, 2002, at S9.

[5]. Stuart Levine, TLC Looking for More ‘Ink,’ Variety (Apr. 28, 2010, 5:33 PM), http://weblogs.variety.com/on_the_air/2010/04/tlc-looking-for-more-ink
.html?query=L.A.+Ink (noting that L.A. Ink averages 1.4 million viewers per episode).

[6]. See also Jonathan Zimmerman, Our Tattoos, Ourselves, Chi. Trib., May 17, 2009, at A28.

[7]. Anthony Jude Picchione, Note, Tat-Too Bad for Municipalities: Unconstitutional Zoning of Body-Art Establishments, 84 B.U. L. Rev. 829, 832 (2004).

[8]. See Grossman v. Baumgartner, 218 N.E.2d 259, 261 (N.Y. 1966).

[9]. See, e.g., Cal. Health & Safety Code § 119303 (Deering & Supp. 2011).

[10]. See, e.g., Anderson v. City of Hermosa Beach, 621 F.3d 1051, 1057 (9th Cir. 2010).

[11]. See, e.g., State v. White, 560 S.E.2d 420, 421 (S.C. 2002).

[12]. Body Art, Centers for Disease Control & Prevention, http://www.cdc.gov/niosh/topics/body_art/default.html (last updated June 9, 2010).

[13]. Anderson, 621 F.3d at 1055–56.

[14]. Id. at 1056.

[15]. Id.

[16]. Body Art, supra note 12.

[17]. United States v. O’Brien, 391 U.S. 367, 376–77 (1968) (“[W]hen ‘speech’ and ‘nonspeech’ elements are combined in the same course of conduct, a sufficiently important governmental interest in regulating the nonspeech element can justify incidental limitations on First Amendment freedoms.  To characterize the quality of the governmental interest which must appear, the Court has employed a variety of descriptive terms: compelling; substantial; subordinating; paramount; cogent; strong.  Whatever imprecision inheres in these terms, we think it clear that a government regulation is sufficiently justified if it is within the constitutional power of the Government; if it furthers an important or substantial government interest; if the governmental interest is unrelated to the suppression of free expression; and if the incidental restriction on alleged First Amendment freedoms is no greater than is essential to the furtherance of that interest.”).

[18]. See id.

[19]. 495 F. Supp. 1248 (D. Minn. 1980).

[20]. 621 F.3d 1051, 1051–69 (9th Cir. 2010).

[21]. U.S. Const. amend. I.

[22]. See Gitlow v. New York, 268 U.S. 652, 666 (1925).

[23]. See Cohen v. California, 403 U.S. 15, 24 (1971).

[24]. Tinker v. Des Moines Indep. Cmty. Sch. Dist., 393 U.S. 503, 513 (1969).

[25]. Chaplinsky v. New Hampshire, 315 U.S. 568, 572 (1942).

[26]. Id.

[27]. Roth v. United States, 354 U.S. 476, 484 (1957).

[28]. Beauharnais v. Illinois, 343 U.S. 250, 266 (1952).

[29]. E.g., Tinker, 393 U.S. at 505–06.

[30]. E.g., Erwin Chemerinksy, Constitutional Law 1063 (3d ed. 2006).

[31]. See Black’s Law Dictionary 1529 (9th ed. 2009).

[32]. See id. at 1529–30.  See generally Erwin Chemerinsky, Constitutional Law 1026–44 (2d ed. 2002).

[33]. W. Va. State Bd. of Educ. v. Barnette, 319 U.S. 624, 632 (1943).

[34]. See, e.g., Turner Broad. Sys. v. FCC, 512 U.S. 622, 642–43 (1994).

[35]. See Police Dep’t of Chi. v. Mosley, 408 U.S. 92, 95 (1972) (“[A]bove all else, the First Amendment means that government has no power to restrict expression because of its message, its ideas, its subject matter, or its content.”).

[36]. R.A.V. v. City of St. Paul, 505 U.S. 377, 382 (1992).

[37]. Turner Broad. Sys., 512 U.S. at 642–43.

[38]. See Kathleen M. Sullivan, Two Concepts of Freedom of Speech, 124 Harv. L. Rev. 143, 148 (2010).

[39]. See, e.g., Boos v. Barry, 485 U.S. 312, 321 (1988).

[40]. Turner Broad. Sys., 512 U.S. at 680 (O’Connor, J., concurring).

[41]. Id. at 662 (majority opinion).

[42]. Stromberg v. California, 283 U.S. 359, 362 (1931).

[43]. W. Va. State Bd. of Educ. v. Barnette, 319 U.S. 624, 634 (1943).

[44]. Texas v. Johnson, 491 U.S. 397, 402 (1989).

[45]. Gregory v. City of Chicago, 394 U.S. 111, 112 (1969) (“[A] march, if peaceful and orderly, falls well within the sphere of conduct protected by the First Amendment.”).

[46]. Nat’l Socialist Party of Am. v. Village of Skokie, 432 U.S. 43, 43–44 (1977).

[47]. Tinker v. Des Moines Indep. Cmty. Sch. Dist., 393 U.S. 503, 504 (1969) (per curiam).

[48]. Id.

[49]. Id. at 505–06.

[50]. Spence v. Washington, 418 U.S. 405, 409–10 (1974).

[51]. Id. at 405.

[52]. Id. at 405, 407.

[53]. Id. at 410 (quoting W. Va. State Bd. of Educ. v. Barnette, 319 U.S. 624, 632 (1943)).

[54]. Id. at 409.

[55]. Id. at 410–11.

[56]. Id. at 408.

[57]. Id. at 410.

[58]. See Texas v. Johnson, 491 U.S. 397, 403–04 (1989); Anderson v. City of Hermosa Beach, 621 F.3d 1051, 1058–59 (9th Cir. 2010); Littlefield v. Forney Indep. Sch. Dist., 268 F.3d 275, 283 (5th Cir. 2001).

[59]. 391 U.S. 367, 376–77 (1968).

[60]. Id. at 369–70.

[61]. Id. at 376.

[62]. Id. at 377.

[63]. Id. at 382.

[64]. See City of Erie v. Pap’s A.M., 529 U.S. 277, 289 (2000); Turner Broad. Sys. v. FCC, 520 U.S. 180, 189 (1997); R.A.V. v. City of St. Paul, 505 U.S. 377, 385–86 (1992).

[65]. Anderson v. City of Hermosa Beach, 621 F.3d 1051, 1055 (9th Cir. 2010).  However, courts of appeal have explored the issue of whether protection should be afforded to tattoos themselves.  See Stephenson v. Davenport Cmty. Sch. Dist., 110 F.3d 1303, 1308 (8th Cir. 1997) (holding that a student with a tattoo who was suspended from school had standing to challenge the constitutionality of a school ban on gang signs).

[66]. White v. South Carolina, 537 U.S. 825 (2002) (denying certiorari in case raising issue of statute restricting who may apply tattoos).

[67]. See, e.g., Hold Fast Tattoo, LLC v. City of N. Chi., 580 F. Supp. 2d 656, 660 (N.D. Ill. 2008) (holding that rational basis review applies because the act of tattooing implicates no fundamental right); Yurkew v. Sinclair, 495 F. Supp. 1248, 1255 (D. Minn. 1980) (same).

[68]. See, e.g., White, 560 S.E.2d. at 424.

[69]. See City of Los Angeles v. Alameda Books, Inc., 535 U.S. 425, 434, 438 (2002).

[70]. See Anderson, 621 F.3d at 1056; Hold Fast Tattoo, 580 F. Supp. 2d at 660–61; Yurkew, 495 F. Supp. at 1255.

[71]. See, e.g., Golden v. McCarthy, 337 So. 2d 388, 390–91 (Fla. 1976) (holding that a statute restricting tattooing to physicians was a reasonable exercise of the state’s police powers and that the statute did not violate “equal protection guarantees of the state or federal constitutions”).

[72]. See, e.g., People v. O’Sullivan, 409 N.Y.S.2d 332, 333 (App. Div. 1978) (holding that tattooing is not “speech or even symbolic speech,” and that “even pure speech may be subject to reasonable regulation in the public interest”).

[73]. See Anderson, 621 F.3d at 1057; Golden, 337 So. 2d at 389; Grossman v. Baumgartner, 218 N.E.2d 259, 261 (N.Y. 1966).

[74]. Grossman, 218 N.E.2d at 261.

[75]. See id.

[76]. See id. at 261–62.

[77]. Id. at 262.

[78]. Id. at 261.

[79]. People v. O’Sullivan, 409 N.Y.S.2d 332, 333 (App. Div. 1978).

[80]. Id.

[81]. Id. (internal citations omitted) (internal quotation marks omitted).

[82]. Id.

[83]. See Anderson v. City of Hermosa Beach, 621 F.3d 1051, 1055 (9th Cir. 2010); Hold Fast Tattoo, LLC v. City of N. Chi., 580 F. Supp. 2d 656, 660 n.1 (N.D. Ill. 2008); Yurkew v. Sinclair, 495 F. Supp. 1248, 1253 (D. Minn. 1980).

[84]. 495 F. Supp. 1248 (D. Minn. 1980).

[85]. Id. at 1249.

[86]. Id. at 1250.

[87]. Id. at 1249.

[88]. Id. at 1252.

[89]. Id.

[90]. Id.

[91]. Id. at 1253.

[92]. Id. at 1254.

[93]. Cf. Cohen v. California, 403 U.S. 15, 25 (1971) (“[I]t is nevertheless often true that one man’s vulgarity is another’s lyric.”).

[94]. See, e.g., Tinker v. Des Moines Indep. Cmty. Sch. Dist., 393 U.S. 503, 508 (1969) (finding that “silent, passive expression of opinion,” such as wearing armbands to school to protest the war in Vietnam, was “akin to ‘pure speech’” and protected by the First Amendment).

[95]. See, e.g., Close v. Lederle, 424 F.2d 988 (1st Cir. 1970) (finding that school officials were justified in removing art they deemed to be inappropriate for exhibition in the school corridor, even though the art did not necessarily rise to the level of being obscene).

[96]. Graffiti Definition, Merriam-Webster.com, http://www.merriam
-webster.com/dictionary/graffiti (last visited Mar. 23, 2011).

[97]. See, e.g., Metromedia, Inc. v. City of San Diego, 453 U.S. 490, 550 (1981) (Stevens, J., dissenting).

[98]. Yurkew v. Sinclair, 495 F. Supp. 1248, 1253 (D. Minn. 1980).

[99]. Id. at 1253 (“Thus, the threshold and crucial issue in this case is whether the actual process of tattooing, as opposed to the image conveyed by the tattoo itself, is ‘sufficiently imbued with elements of communication to fall within the scope of the First . . . Amendment[] . . . .’” (quoting Spence v. Washington, 418 U.S. 405, 409–10 (1974) (per curiam))).

[100]. Id. (quoting Spence, 418 U.S. at 409).

[101]. Id. at 1254.

[102]. Id. (citing Spence, 418 U.S. at 405).

[103]. Id.

[104]. Id. at 1255 (quoting Spence, 418 U.S. at 409).  The court claims that it rejects the State’s view that, in the creation of art, no communication occurs until the final product emerges.  The court argues that the State’s approach is “somewhat simplistic and contains certain drawbacks.”  Id. at 1255 n.8.  However, reading the opinion in its entirety, the “simplistic approach” seems to be followed by the court.

[105]. E.g., Minneapolis Star & Tribune Co. v. Minn. Comm’r of Revenue, 460 U.S. 575 (1983).

[106]. Id. at 576–79.

[107]. Id. at 579.

[108]. Id.

[109]. Yurkew, 495 F. Supp. at 1253; see, e.g., State ex rel. Med. Licensing Bd. v. Brady, 492 N.E.2d 34, 39 (Ind. Ct. App. 1986) (upholding an Indiana statute mandating that only physicians may tattoo, and relying almost exclusively on the rationale of Yurkew).

[110]. Yurkew, 495 F. Supp. at 1255.

[111]. Id. at 1255–56.

[112]. Id. at 1256.

[113]. Id.

[114]. See, e.g., Hold Fast Tattoo, LLC v. City of N. Chi., 580 F. Supp. 2d 656, 660 n.1 (N.D. Ill. 2008); State v. White, 560 S.E.2d 420, 422 (S.C. 2002).

[115]. State ex rel. Med. Licensing Bd. v. Brady, 492 N.E.2d 34, 39 (Ind. Ct. App. 1986).

[116]. Id.

[117]. Kennedy v. Hughes, 596 F. Supp. 1487, 1489–90 (D. Del. 1984).  Because this case reached the court on a motion to dismiss, the facts are either undisputed or stated in the light most favorable to the nonmoving party—here, the plaintiff.

[118]. Id. at 1490.

[119]. See id.

[120]. Id.

[121]. Id.

[122]. Id.

[123]. Id. at 1490–91.

[124]. Id. at 1491.

[125]. Id. at 1494–95.

[126]. Mattel apparently believed tattoos had reached the point of social acceptability; in 1999, Mattel introduced a Barbie with a permanent set of tattoos.  However, due to protests from parents, the Barbie was subsequently removed from shelves.  Tattooed Barbie Is Taboo with Parents, Toy Maker Finds, Miami Herald, June 14, 1999, at A1.

[127]. Bobby G. Frederick, Note, Tattoos and the First Amendment—Art Should Be Protected as Art: The South Carolina Supreme Court Upholds the State’s Ban on Tattooing, 55 S.C. L. Rev. 231, 236 (2003).

[128]. Compare Grossman v. Baumgartner, 218 N.E.2d 259, 262 (N.Y. 1966) (finding no constitutionally-protected right to administer tattoos and upholding restriction allowing tattooing only by persons with a medical license), with Commonwealth v. Meuse, No. 9877CR2644, 1999 WL 1203793, at *3 (Mass. Super. Nov. 29, 1999) (holding that “[t]he absolute prohibition of all forms of tattooing, a protected form of expression, except by licensed physicians . . . is substantial[ly] overbr[oad]” and therefore unconstitutional).

[129]. Meuse, 1999 WL 1203793, at *4.

[130]. Id. at *1.

[131]. Id.

[132]. Id. at *2 (citing Commonwealth v. Oakes, 518 N.E.2d 836, 837 (Mass. 1988)).

[133]. See, e.g., Stephenson v. Davenport Cmty. Sch. Dist., 110 F.3d 1303, 1307 n.4 (8th Cir. 1997); Riggs v. City of Fort Worth, 229 F. Supp. 2d 572, 580–81 (N.D. Tex. 2002).

[134]. State v. White, 560 S.E.2d 420, 423–24 (S.C. 2002); Frederick, supra note 127, at 231.

[135]. White, 560 S.E.2d at 422–23.

[136]. See Spence v. Washington, 418 U.S. 405, 410 (1974) (per curiam).

[137]. White, 560 S.E.2d at 423.

[138]. Id.

[139]. Id. at 425 (Waller, J., dissenting).

[140]. Id.

[141]. Id.

[142]. Id.

[143]. See id.

[144]. Id.

[145]. See Texas v. Johnson, 491 U.S. 397, 414 (1989) (“If there is a bedrock principal underlying the First Amendment, it is that the government may not prohibit the expression of an idea simply because society finds the idea itself offensive or disagreeable.”); Bose Corp. v. Consumers Union of U.S., Inc., 466 U.S. 485, 505 (1984) (“The principal of viewpoint neutrality . . . underlies the First Amendment . . . .”).

[146]. See The Federalist No. 10 (James Madison).

[147]. White, 560 S.E.2d at 425 (Waller, J., dissenting).

[148]. Gov. Sanford Signs Bill Legalizing Tattoos, WIS News 10 (June 17, 2004, 12:48 PM), http://www.wistv.com/Global/story.asp?S=1949752.  See also S.C. Code Ann. § 44-34-20 (2004) (legalizing tattooing in South Carolina).

[149]. Anderson v. City of Hermosa Beach, 621 F.3d 1051, 1065 (9th Cir. 2010); see also Okla. Stat. tit. 21, § 842.3 (2006) (legalizing tattooing in Oklahoma).

[150]. See § 842.3; Zoning Requirements for Tattoo Facilities, S.C. Dep’t Health & Envtl. Control, http://www.scdhec.gov/health/licen/hltattoozoning
.pdf (last visited Mar. 23, 2011).

[151]. See, e.g., Hold Fast Tattoo, LLC v. City of N. Chi., 580 F. Supp. 2d 656, 659–60 (N.D. Ill. 2008) (finding that the act of tattooing failed to convey a particularized message necessary to garner First Amendment symbolic-speech protection); Blue Horseshoe Tattoo, Ltd. v. City of Norfolk, No. CL06-3214, 2007 WL 6002098, at *2 (Va. Cir. Ct. Jan. 17, 2007) (finding that neither tattoos nor tattooing are protected by the First Amendment).

[152]. Anderson, 621 F.3d at 1051, 1055.

[153]. Id. at 1068.

[154]. Demographic Information, City Hermosa Beach, http://www.hermosabch.org/about/info/demog.html (last visited Mar. 23, 2011).

[155]. Anderson, 621 F.3d at 1057.

[156]. Id.

[157]. John Guenther & Douglas Morino, Federal Court Declares Hermosa Beach Tattoo Parlor Ban Unconstitutional, Daily Breeze (L.A.), Sept. 9, 2010, at A1.

[158]. Anderson, 621 F.3d at 1058.

[159]. Id.

[160]. Id. at 1055.

[161]. Id. at 1060.

[162]. Id. at 1063.

[163]. Id. at 1059.

[164]. Id. at 1061.

[165]. Id. at 1059.

[166]. Id.

[167]. Id.  It is unclear what the Ninth Circuit considered the difference to be between a “time, place, manner” restriction and the O’Brien test for symbolic conduct.  The Supreme Court in Clark v. Community for Creative Non-Violence, 468 U.S. 288, 298 (1984) found that the O’Brien test is “little, if any, different from the standard applied to time, place, or manner restrictions.”  The “time, place, or manner” test “refers to the ability of the government to regulate speech in a public forum in a manner that minimizes disruption of a public place while still protecting freedom of speech.”  Chemerinsky, supra note 30, § 11.4, at 1131.

[168]. Anderson, 621 F.3d at 1061–62.

[169]. Id. at 1062.

[170]. Id.

[171]. Id.

[172]. Id.

[173]. Id.

[174]. Id.

[175]. Hurley v. Irish-Am. Gay, Lesbian & Bisexual Grp. of Bos., Inc., 515 U.S. 557, 559 (1995) (holding that the First Amendment protected St. Patrick’s Day parade organizers’ decision to refuse to let a group indentifying as gay, lesbian, and bisexual participate in the parade).

[176]. See Texas v. Johnson, 491 U.S. 397, 412 (1989) (holding that a state restriction on flag burning was content based and thus subject to strict scrutiny).

[177]. W. Va. State Bd. of Educ. v. Barnette, 319 U.S. 624, 642 (1943).

[178]. Tinker v. Des Moines Indep. Cmty. Sch. Dist., 393 U.S. 503, 505–06 (1969).

[179]. See id.  (“[T]he wearing of an armband for the purpose of expressing certain views is the type of symbolic act that is within the Free Speech Clause of the First Amendment. . . . It [was] closely akin to ‘pure speech’ which, we have repeatedly held, is entitled to comprehensive protection under the First Amendment.”).

[180]. Anderson v. City of Hermosa Beach, 621 F.3d 1051, 1063 (9th Cir. 2010).

[181]. See Riley v. Nat’l Fed’n of the Blind of N.C., Inc., 487 U.S. 781, 801 (1988) (“[A] speaker’s rights are not lost merely because compensation is received.”); Joseph Burstyn, Inc. v. Wilson, 343 U.S. 495, 501–02 (1952) (stating that the commercial nature of films does not preclude them from having First Amendment-protected status).

[182]. See Anderson, 621 F.3d at 1063.

[183]. Id. (citing White v. City of Sparks, 500 F.3d 953, 954 (9th Cir. 2007) and Bery v. City of New York, 97 F.3d 689, 695 (2d Cir. 1996)).

[184]. Bery, 97 F.3d at 691.

[185]. Id. at 695.

[186]. Id. at 696.

[187]. Id.

[188]. Id.

[189]. See, e.g., Linmark Assocs. v. Township of Willingboro, 431 U.S. 85, 98 (1977); Bates v. State Bar of Ariz., 433 U.S. 350, 363–64 (1977); Va. State Bd. of Pharmacy v. Va. Citizens Consumer Council, Inc., 425 U.S. 748, 762 (1976).

[190]. Anderson v. City of Hermosa Beach, 621 F.3d 1051, 1064 (9th Cir. 2010).

[191]. Id. at 1063–64.

[192]. Id. at 1064.

[193]. Id. at 1063–64.

[194]. See Hill v. Colorado, 530 U.S. 703, 703, 723–26 (2000) (upholding a state law restricting speech activities within 100 feet of the entrance of any health care facility); Schenck v. Pro-Choice Network of W. N.Y., 519 U.S. 357, 361 (1997) (upholding a court order creating a fixed buffer zone around an abortion clinic); Madsen v. Women’s Health Ctr., Inc., 512 U.S. 753, 757 (1994) (upholding a court order restricting speech in a thirty-six-foot buffer zone around an abortion clinic); Clark v. Cmty. for Creative Non-Violence, 468 U.S. 288, 293 (1984) (upholding a ban on sleeping in a park—in the face of a First Amendment challenge by protestors of the treatment of the homeless—because the ban left “open alternative channels” through which protesters might still communicate their message).  But see United States v. Grace, 461 U.S. 171, 182 (1983) (striking down a broad restriction on speech on the sidewalk outside the Supreme Court).

[195]. Anderson, 621 F.3d at 1068.

[196]. Id. at 797.

[197]. Anderson, 621 F.3d at 1065 (quoting Ward, 491 U.S. at 800).

[198]. Id.

[199]. Id.

[200]. Id.

[201]. Id. at 1056.

[202]. Id. at 1065.

[203]. Id.

[204]. See id.

[205]. Id.

[206]. Anderson, 621 F.3d at 1065 (quoting Clark v. Cmty. for Creative Non-Violence, 468 U.S. 288, 293 (1984) (internal quotation marks omitted)).

[207]. Id. at 1066–67.

[208]. Id. at 1065–66.

[209]. Id. at 1066–67.

[210]. Id. at 1067.

[211]. Id.

[212]. Id. (quoting City of Ladue v. Gilleo, 512 U.S. 43, 56 (1994)).

[213]. Id. (citing Susan Benson, Inscriptions of the Self: Reflections on Tattooing and Piercing in Contemporary Euro-America, in Written on the Body: The Tattoo in European and American History 240, 251–52 (Jane Caplan ed., 2000)).

[214]. Id.

[215]. Id. at 1066.

[216]. City of Ladue v. Gilleo, 512 U.S. 43, 58 (1994).

[217]. Id. at 56.

[218]. Id.

[219]. Id.

[220]. Id.

[221]. Id. at 57.

[222]. Id.

[223]. See Kovacs v. Cooper, 336 U.S. 77, 89 (1949) (upholding a ban on sound trucks).

[224]. See Chemerinsky, supra note 32, at 1028.

[225]. Yurkew v. Sinclair, 495 F. Supp. 1248, 1253 (D. Minn. 1980).

[226]. Tattooing will pass the Spence test if tattooing is determined to be “sufficiently imbued with elements of communication” and the artist can demonstrate that “[a]n intent to convey a particularized message was present, and in the surrounding circumstances the likelihood was great that the message would be understood by those who viewed it.”  Spence v. Washington, 418 U.S. 405, 409–11 (1974) (per curiam).

[227]. A regulation passes the O’Brien test if the regulation “furthers an important or substantial government interest; if the governmental interest is unrelated to the suppression of free expression; and if the incidental restriction on alleged First Amendment freedoms is no greater than essential to the furtherance of that interest.”  United States v. O’Brien, 391 U.S. 367, 377 (1968).

[228]. A government regulation on free speech in a public forum is an appropriate “time, place, or manner” restriction if the restriction (1) is “justified without reference to the content of the regulated speech;” (2) is “narrowly tailored to serve a significant governmental interest;” and (3) “leave[s] open ample alternative channels for communication of the information.”  Clark v. Cmty. for Creative Non-Violence, 468 U.S. 288, 293 (1984).

[229]. Ward v. Rock Against Racism, 491 U.S. 781, 798 (1989) (quoting Clark, 468 U.S. at 298).

[230]. Spence, 418 U.S. at 409–10.

[231]. Hurley v. Irish-Am. Gay, Lesbian & Bisexual Grp. of Bos., Inc., 515 U.S. 557, 569 (1995) (“[A] narrow, succinctly articulable message is not a condition of constitutional protection, which if confined to expressions conveying a ‘particularized message’ . . . would never reach the unquestionably shielded painting of Jackson Pollock, music of Arnold Schoenberg, or Jabberwocky verse of Lewis Carroll.”).

[232]. See generally Edward J. Eberle, Art as Speech, 11 U. Pa. J. L. & Soc. Change 1 (2007–2008) (discussing the unique role art plays in society and the reasons that art should be afforded full First Amendment protection).

[233]. Anderson v. City of Hermosa Beach, 621 F.3d 1051, 1065 (9th Cir. 2010).

[234]. United States v. O’Brien, 391 U.S. 367, 377 (1968).

* J.D. Candidate 2011, Davidson College B.A. History 2007. The Author would like to thank the Law Review Staff and Board of Editors for being patient with my weaknesses and for reinforcing my strengths; my friends and family for their support; Katie for making me smile with my heart; and my father, John, whom I cannot and do not thank enough.

Article in PDF Form

By: Naomi Harlin Goodno*

Introduction

Schoolyard bullying has been around for generations, but recently it has taken on a new, menacing face¾cyberbullying.  Now adolescents use technology to deliberately and repeatedly bully, harass, hassle, and threaten peers.  No longer does the bullying end once the school day ends.  With the use of technology, groups of bullies can relentlessly and anonymously attack twenty-four hours a day for the whole world to witness.  There is simply no escape.  Cyberbullying follows victims from their schools to their homes to their personal computer screens, with fresh injuries inflicted every time a new person clicks on an Internet site to witness or join in the bullying.  Adolescents use Internet sites like YouTube, or social networking sites like Facebook and MySpace, to repeatedly mock others by creating web pages, videos, and profiles.  Adolescents use their cell phones to take photos anytime and anywhere (including  bathrooms)[1] and then instantaneously post them online for others to rate, tag, discuss, and pass along.[2]

Cyberbullying is one of the top challenges facing public schools.[3]  There are many recurring legal problems confronting public schools.  By way of example, assume there are two public middle school children, Joe and Jane.  Joe punches Jane on the school’s property between classes.  The school is well within its rights to suspend Joe.[4]  Assume instead that Joe punches Jane off of school grounds, after school ends, and as the children are walking home.  Because the assault took place off of school property and after hours, the school does not have jurisdiction to punish Joe; rather, it is a matter for the parents and law enforcement.[5]

Assume instead that Joe creates an animated video game of Jane from his personal home computer at night.  In the game, Joe shows himself and other students punching Jane.  Joe posts the game on the Internet and it is quickly passed along to over one hundred other students at the same school, many of whom join in the virtual punching of Jane.  Some students log on to the site while at school, using their personal smart phones and laptops, and other students log onto the site after school at home using their personal computers.  Jane is terrified to go to school.

Can the school punish Joe or any of the other students?  In this hypothetical, Joe created the website off-campus and after school hours, so how is it different, if at all, from Joe physically punching Jane off-campus and after school hours?  Is Joe’s website protected by free speech?  Can the school search Joe’s and the other students’ personal cell phones or laptop computers to see if and when the website was accessed?  How does the public school respond, if at all, to this situation without trampling the constitutional and legal rights of the students?

Neither the legislatures nor the courts have been able to give public schools clear and consistent guidance on how to answer these questions.  Indeed, in a recent Third Circuit opinion, the court was deeply divided on how to decide such issues.[6]  There is also a circuit split on these issues making it ripe for the Supreme Court of the United States to resolve.[7]  Cyberbullying raises issues that require a fine balance between protecting the constitutional rights of public school students while also creating a safe learning environment.

The purpose of this Article is to set forth a comprehensive model cyberbullying policy for primary and secondary public schools that meets educational goals and considers constitutional challenges.  This first Part of this Article explores the current problems caused by cyberbullying and why these problems are unique from off-line bullying.  Because of the unique problems caused by cyberbullying, some state legislatures are beginning to enact specific laws to address cyberbullying.  The current statutes are summarized in Appendix A of this Article.  Those statutes, however, provide little to no direction on how public schools should create cyberbullying policies that are constitutional while also meeting statutory requirements.  Thus, Appendix B of this Article sets forth a model cyberbullying policy for public schools.

The second and main Part of this Article considers three constitutional challenges public schools face in adopting a cyberbullying policy.  First, public schools wrestle with how to define “cyberbullying” without violating the students’ First Amendment rights to free speech.  The crux of the problem concerns speech that students make off of school grounds but that impacts other students at school (for example, creating a website at home, which is then accessed at school, that harasses another student).  This Part sets forth a novel way of approaching the conflicting legal precedents by separately considering jurisdictional and substantive issues.  The second constitutional challenge is composing a cyberbullying policy that does not violate due process rights or that is written in language that is unconstitutionally vague or overbroad.  The third constitutional challenge is formulating a way for school officials to know when they can search students’ personal electronic devices without violating the Fourth Amendment.

The final Part of this Article addresses pedagogical concerns such as reporting requirements, disciplinary matters, and educating students, parents, and school officials about cyberbullying.  All of these topics should be considered in order to construct a comprehensive cyberbullying policy.  The model cyberbullying policy for public schools set forth in Appendix B of this Article adopts language that attempts to combat cyberbullying while complying with constitutional requirements and meeting educational goals.

I.  Current Problems

Cyberbullying is a major problem causing significant harm.[8]  There is no dispute that students today use e-mail, messaging, texting, and social networking sites on almost an hourly basis to stay in touch with one another.[9]  In one survey of thirteen- to seventeen-year-olds, thirty-five percent reported being the targets of Internet harassment including “rude or nasty comments, rumors, and threatening or aggressive messages.”[10]  As one teenage victim stated: “It makes me hurt both physically and mentally.  It scares me and takes away all my confidence to make me feel sick and worthless.”[11]  Indeed, in March of 2011, the White House held a special conference that specifically focused on bullying prevention where the President concluded that cyberbullying is a serious problem facing the United States.[12]  Cyberbullying is linked to “low self-esteem, family problems, academic problems, school violence, and delinquent behavior . . . [and] suicidal thoughts.”[13]  Studies have shown that, of adolescents who have contemplated suicide, “cyberbullying victims were almost twice as likely to have attempted suicide compared to youth who had not experienced cyberbullying.”[14]

 

Recent cases: There have been far too many recent cyberbullying cases that have ended in such tragedy.  One case involved Tyler Clementi, a Rutgers University freshman, who leaped to his death after his roommate secretly taped and posted online a video of Clementi having a “sexual encounter” with another young man.[15]  Perhaps even more troubling are those cases that involve young school-age children, both in middle school and high school.  Such cases sadly illustrate how a child’s vulnerabilities are escalated by the use of the wider forum of technology.  There were the three middle school boys who invited fellow students to “kick a ginger” on a specific day which led to the attacks on at least seven red-haired middle school children.[16]  There were middle school boys who created a video game on a website where “they virtually ‘beat up’ one of their classmates on a regular basis and invited others to join them in the beatings.”[17]  There were other middle school children who created a website where “middle school girls were pictured on a ‘Hot or Not’ list that was e-mailed around to be voted on.”[18]

There was thirteen-year-old Megan Meier, who committed suicide after being cyberbullied by a classmate’s parent who adopted a false identity on MySpace as a boy, wooed her, and then viciously turned against her and posted that “[t]he world would be a better place without [her].”[19]  There was the fourteen-year-old boy who sent death threats on Facebook to two other classmates he believed were interested in his girlfriend.[20]  There were the three Louisiana high school students who were arrested for cyberstalking after they created competing websites with the posting of insults and graphically violent poems.[21]  There were two Florida girls, aged fifteen and sixteen, who were arrested for creating a fake Facebook page in another classmate’s name and posting a picture of the girl’s face on a “nude prepubescent girl’s body” with other disturbing images and statements.[22]

There was also Phoebe Prince, who was relentlessly cyberbullied by the students at her high school for three months before she hung herself.[23]  Classmates posted multiple threads on Facebook about how Phoebe was an “Irish slut” and a “poser.”[24]  Ultimately, six teenagers were criminally charged—including two boys charged with statutory rape of a minor—after the group of teenagers taunted, threatened, shoved, and sent demeaning text messages to Phoebe.[25]  One of the most troubling aspects of Phoebe’s case is that the school administrators were well aware of the cyberbullying[26] and, yet, the school did not take any action.[27]  “How long can the school department ignore the increasing rate of bullying before reality sets in?” two students asked in a school newspaper article.[28]

 

Public schools without guidance: For school-age children, incidents of cyberbullying are often ignored.[29]  Schools are ill-equipped to deal with cyberbullying.[30]  Indeed, such failures open up school districts to lawsuits.[31]  For example, a student’s family sued a New York school district for failing to protect their homosexual son from cyberbullying.[32]  There is no question that schools must be more proactive about stopping students from cyberbullying.[33]  But the blame does not lie completely with the schools.  Many schools want to help but do not know where the boundaries of discipline begin and where they end.  “Schools are finding themselves at a loss, particularly because of vague laws,”[34] or because there are no laws or policies at all, to instruct them on how to address cyberbullying.  When can a school legally punish a student for speech that occurs off-campus?  To what extent can schools search students’ personal computers and cell phones for evidence of cyberbullying without running afoul of the students’ constitutional rights?

These are the questions haunting the school districts.  School administrators know that there is a problem, but they do not know to what extent they are allowed to be a part of the solution.  Across the nation, principals have responded to student-on-student cyberbullying in “dramatically different ways.”[35]  One principal of a middle school shared his frustration about student cyberbullying incidents: “All we are doing is reacting, . . . .  We can’t seem to get ahead of the curve.”[36]  Another middle school principal said that for schools it is a lose-lose situation: “I have parents who thank me for getting involved [with cyberbullying incidents] . . . and parents who say ‘[i]t didn’t happen on school property, stay out of my life.’”[37]

 

Courts in conflict: Courts are conflicted in how to deal with cyberbullying and they fail to clearly specify whether (and when) a school has jurisdiction to regulate off-campus speech that bullies others.[38]  The Supreme Court has yet to rule on this issue and lower courts are all over the board.[39]  For example, one district court found that a school could not discipline a student who created a webpage entitled “Satan’s web page,” in which he listed names of students under the heading “people I wish would die.”[40]  Although the student admitted he may have used school computers, the court held that the school’s disciplinary measures violated the student’s First Amendment rights because there was “[no] proof of disruption to the school on-campus activity.”[41]  In contrast, the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania upheld as constitutional the expulsion of a student who created a website called “Teacher Sux,” in which the student made derogatory comments about a teacher—including why the teacher should die.[42]

The Third Circuit’s recent decisions are illustrative of the unclear law concerning cyberbullying.  Very recently, in June 2011, the Third Circuit revisited en banc two of its recent opinions concerning cyberbullying.  In one case, the court initially upheld as constitutional a school’s disciplinary action of a student who created a fake, offensive MySpace page of a principal—but that decision was reversed by a deeply fractured en banc court.[43]  The other en banc opinion held that a school’s disciplinary action was unconstitutional for very similar behavior.[44]  The law in the area of schools regulating cyberbullying is unmistakably in flux, which leaves schools without clear guidance as to how to address the problem.

A.            Bullying versus Cyberbullying

It is apparent that neither the courts nor the schools are clear on how legally to deal with the rampant problem of cyberbullying.  What makes the legal framework for cyberbullying so difficult?  The answer, as set forth in this Subpart, is that cyberbullying differs from off-line bullying such that current laws and school policies are often inadequate to deal with this new forum for bullying.

Cyberbullying, for the purposes of this Article, is distinguishable from off-line bullying by the use of electronic technology to deliberately and repeatedly harass or intimidate fellow students.  Off-line bullying, done face-to-face, has long been a problem in our school system.[45]  While schools and state legislatures have historically taken some steps to curtail schoolyard bullying,[46] these steps are insufficient to address cyberbullying because the scope of cyberbullying is much more immense than off-line bullying.  New technology has not only allowed for new outlets to bully—it has changed the face of bullying.  Cyberbullying presents new problems that “old-fashioned” antibullying laws and policies cannot address for at least six reasons.

First, cyberbullying, unlike off-line bullying, is ubiquitous.  Harassing statements and comments made on the Internet can be made on- and off-campus, day and night.[47]  The victim’s perception, and perhaps the reality, is that an entire school, neighborhood, and community can be involved in the bullying.[48]  With a few keystrokes, the bullying statements can be “circulated far and wide in an instant.”[49]  Therefore, antibullying policies that only address on-campus bullying cannot sufficiently address cyberbullying, yet courts and school officials are confused as to how and to what extent schools can regulate off-campus speech.

Second, cyberbullying allows for much greater anonymity than off-line bullying.[50]  Bullies can easily take on fake Internet identities or even take on the identities of other students so that “victims often do not know who the bully is, or why they are being targeted.”[51]  As one fifteen-year-old explained: “I get mean messages on Formspring,[[52]] with people telling me I’m fat and ugly and stupid.  I don’t know what I ever did to anyone.  I wish it wasn’t anonymous.”[53]  Because of anonymity, cyberbullies may not fit the profile of the typical bully.[54]  For example, three Louisiana students were recently arrested for cyberbullying, despite the fact that they were all honor students.[55]  Anonymity, therefore, not only creates problems for school officials who are investigating cyberbullying (school officials may be at a loss as to what would entail constitutional searches in their investigations) but also may impact which remedies for cyberbullying are most effective.

Third, cyberbullying gives bullies physical distance from their victims while at the same time allowing for a greater audience—which may encourage even more bullying.[56]  The audience mentality allows for others to “join in on ‘the fun’” who may not have done so in a physical confrontation.[57]  Moreover, audience members can easily perpetuate the bullying by adding online comments or by simply forwarding messages and links to others. [58]  Off-line bullying policies fail to address how cyberbullying quickly involves numerous parties.

Fourth, children are often more technologically adept than adults.  Children use and explore new technologies every day,[59] while teachers and parents remain oblivious.[60]  This allows for undetected and unregulated outlets for bullying.

Finally, cyberbullying, unlike off-line bullying, is permanent and “usually irrevocable,”[61] trailing its victims from childhood to adulthood.  Not only does cyberbullying follow students from school to their homes, but harassing statements can be accessed and relived over and over again, even years later.  As one commentator aptly put it: “The Web never stops and it never forgets.”[62]  Because of the possible life-long impact of cyberbullying, it is crucial that school officials are equipped with the legal and necessary tools to try to prevent it.

It is largely because of these differences between cyberbullying and off-line bullying that many current antibullying statutes and school policies are inadequate.  As the next Subpart addresses, even states with antibullying statutes have gaps that do not cover all aspects of cyberbullying.

B.                        Current Statutes and Policies

Appendix A of this Article sets forth a chart analyzing the current state and federal antibullying laws as well as proposed bills.  Overall, on the positive side, a large majority of state legislatures have enacted antibullying laws.  However, some of these state laws fail to address cyberbullying, and even those laws that have tried to do so often give inadequate guidance to public school administrators on how to enforce the law without violating students’ constitutional and legal rights.

Specifically, the District of Columbia and forty-five states have enacted general antibullying laws (mainly targeting off-line bullying).[63]  Only Hawaii, Michigan, Montana, North Dakota and South Dakota lack such statutes.[64]  Hawaii[65] and Michigan,[66] along with the federal government,[67] have proposed antibullying laws, which are currently pending.  While forty-three states require public schools to have a policy regarding bullying,[68] only a minority of those states have model school policies.[69]

The gaps in these laws become even more evident when looking at how cyberbullying is specifically addressed.  Again, the good news is that some states attempt to address the cyberbullying problem in antibullying statutes.  Six states expressly prohibit “cyberbullying,”[70] and twenty-eight states prohibit “electronic harassment,”[71] which likely encompasses most aspects of cyberbullying.

The problem is that, of those states with antibullying statutes, only ten states have model policies.[72]  Those ten model policies fail to fully and adequately give school officials guidance on how to deal with the unique aspects of cyberbullying, further compounding the problem.[73]  For example, neither “cyberbullying” nor “electronic harassment” is even mentioned in the California Department of Education’s “Sample Policy for Bullying Prevention.”[74]  Likewise, the model antibullying policies for Oklahoma and Rhode Island[75] also fail to include any reference to cyberbullying.  Indeed, Colorado’s model policy readily identifies its own gaps: “the [school] district should consult with its own legal counsel to determine appropriate language.”[76]  Such model policies give little guidance to school administrators about how to deal with cyberbullying.

Even those state legislatures that have created model school policies referencing “cyberbullying” fall short.  For example, the Delaware, Florida, Ohio, and South Carolina[77] model school policies define cyberbullying, but fail to give public school officials any guidance on how to apply the definition so as not to run afoul of free speech and other constitutional and legal protections.

Thus, while state legislatures, for the most part, are taking great strides by including cyberbullying in their antibullying legislation, there has been little to no guidance on how public school officials can legally implement policies to deal with cyberbullying.  The remainder of this Article attempts to set forth a constitutional model cyberbullying policy that public schools can adopt and put into action.

II.  A Constitutional Cyberbullying Policy for Primary and Secondary Public Schools: Considering First Amendment, Due Process, and Fourth Amendment Challenges

It is imperative to note at the outset that students’ civil rights must be protected.  Indeed, “[t]he vigilant protection of constitutional freedoms is nowhere more vital than in the community of American schools.”[78]  As one judge explained:

In order to maintain a thriving democracy, students cannot be unreasonably encumbered in their freedom to express moral, political, and social ideals and beliefs.  The classroom is peculiarly the “marketplace of ideas.”  The Nation’s future depends upon leaders trained through wide exposure to that robust exchange of ideas which discovers truth “out of a multitude of tongues, (rather) than through any kind of authoritative selection.” . . . Schools should foster an environment of learning that is vital to the functioning of a democratic system and the maturation of a civic body.[79]

The exercise of students’ civil rights in public school, however, has to be “applied in light of the special characteristics of the school environment.”[80]  The constitutional rights of public school students “are not automatically coextensive with the rights of adults in other settings.”[81]  Thus, in addressing the First Amendment, Due Process, and Fourth Amendment issues related to cyberbullying in public schools, there must be a balance between safeguarding students’ constitutional rights and allowing public school officials to maintain a safe and thriving learning environment.[82]  This Part of the Article attempts to set forth an analysis that strikes this balance.

A.            First Amendment Issues: Defining “Cyberbullying”

It is well established that the First Amendment right to freedom of speech extends to students in public schools.[83]  As the United States Supreme Court declared over forty years ago, public school students do not “shed their constitutional rights to freedom of speech or expression at the schoolhouse gate.”[84]  However, the Supreme Court also recognized the need for schools to be able to exercise a certain amount of authority over the speech of their students to retain order and control of the educational environment.[85]  One of the main concerns is that school cyberbullying policies will run afoul of the First Amendment and interfere with students’ rights to free speech.[86]  Therefore, to address whether or not a specific cyberbullying policy is constitutional, the extent to which student speech is protected by the First Amendment must be carefully examined.  There is no Supreme Court case squarely on point.[87]  The split in lower courts’ decisions shows that the law is ambiguous.[88]  Even the Supreme Court has expressed confusion over how precedents apply to the burgeoning issues involving student free speech, stating that “[t]here is some uncertainty at the outer boundaries as to when courts should apply school speech precedents.”[89]

This Subpart sets forth a novel First Amendment constitutional framework to consider when analyzing public school cyberbullying polices.  The two-prong framework involves both a jurisdictional and substantive inquiry:[90] (1) The school must first decide whether it has jurisdiction over the speech.  The legal standard differs depending on whether the speech originated on- or off-campus (the harder cyberbullying cases usually involve speech originating off-campus);[91] if the school has proper jurisdiction, then (2) the school must determine whether, as a matter of substantive law, it can indeed regulate the speech.  This second inquiry will fall into two subcategories: (i) whether the school is able to categorically regulate the speech; and if not, then (ii) under the “Tinker standard,”[92] whether the speech materially disrupts class work or substantially impinges on the rights of others.[93]

1. Jurisdictional Matters

Speech Originating On-Campus: There is Supreme Court precedent dictating that schools have jurisdiction to regulate speech that originates on school campuses,[94] or at school-sanctioned activities that are equivalent to being on the school campus.[95]  Therefore, in the cyberbullying context, it appears to be within the school’s jurisdiction to regulate speech that originates on-campus whether the student uses the school’s resources or the student uses his or her own personal technology while on-campus.

 

Speech Originating Off-Campus: The Supreme Court has not ruled on whether schools have jurisdiction over student speech that originates off-campus or is not related to a school-sponsored activity.  There are, however, a number of cases that deal with this issue, some of which involve the Internet.[96]  Unfortunately, the holdings in these cases are inconsistent.[97]

The cases can be grouped into three general categories.  First, in a few cases, the courts skip the jurisdictional question all together.[98]  However, the Third Circuit reversed a district court decision in which the jurisdictional question was not addressed.[99]  Thus, it would behoove one, especially given that most cyberbullying originates off-campus, to thoroughly address the jurisdictional issue before attempting to regulate any off-campus speech.[100]

Second, some courts require that it must be “foreseeable” that the speech would reach the campus for the school to regulate it.  If it was “foreseeable” that the speech would reach campus, then it can be regarded as “on-campus” speech and the school would have jurisdiction over it.[101]

Third, some courts have ruled that there must be a “sufficient nexus” between the speech and the school before a school has the jurisdiction to punish the student speech.[102]  However, courts are split as to what constitutes this “sufficient nexus.”  Some courts have broadly applied the rule finding the connection is established if the speech is directed at a school-specific audience;[103] or if the speech has been brought on to the campus, even if it was not the student in question who did so.[104]  Other courts, however, have narrowly applied the rule and found no substantial nexus between the speech and the school because the student speech, “did not attempt to engage other students in any on-campus behavior.”[105]

Given that cyberbullying easily spreads (Internet links and text messages can easily be forwarded to numerous people with the click of a button), courts should adopt the broad application of the “sufficient nexus” test.  For purposes of a cyberbullying policy, schools should consider using both the “foreseeability” and the “sufficient nexus” language.[106]  Such a jurisdictional requirement will also likely protect a cyberbullying policy from a challenge that the policy is constitutionally overbroad.[107]  These legal standards are incorporated in the Model Cyberbullying Policy in Appendix B of this Article.

2. Substantive Matters

Once the school’s jurisdiction has been established, the next inquiry is whether the school can regulate the speech without violating the First Amendment.  Based on precedent, schools can do so in two instances: (i) if the speech is categorically prohibited, or (ii) if the Tinker standard is met.  Each of these rules will be taken in turn.

 

Categorically prohibited speech: Schools can wholly regulate two categories of speech, and a cyberbullying policy should address both.[108]  First, under Hazelwood, schools can regulate speech that “bear[s] the imprimatur of the school.”[109]  Thus, for example, if a cyberbully uses the school’s emblem on an Internet message intended to harass another student, the school can discipline the cyberbully regardless of whether the speech originated on- or off-campus.

Second, it is widely accepted that, even under the broadest reading of the First Amendment, “true threats” are not protected.[110]  Though the threshold for determining whether a statement is a “true threat” is fairly high, courts have held that, “[i]n light of the violence prevalent in schools today, school officials are justified in taking very seriously student threats against faculty or other students.”[111]  Any school cyberbullying policy that requires punishment for a student who makes a “true threat” against a teacher or another student will be constitutional.

Courts, however, often do not decide whether particular speech reaches the level of a true threat because they often do not have to.  If a court finds that the speech can be regulated by the Tinker standard (requiring a lower threshold), then the school’s actions will be constitutionally justified regardless of whether the speech constituted a true threat.[112]  This leads to the second type of speech that schools can regulate¾student speech which satisfies the Tinker standard.  This second type of speech is addressed in the next Subpart of this Article.[113]

 

Student Speech that can be regulated under the Tinker Standard: In the 1969 seminal case Tinker v. Des Moines, the Supreme Court held that it was unconstitutional for a high school to suspend students for wearing black armbands in silent protest of the Vietnam War.[114]  The Court recognized that a school had authority to control student speech but that “it must be able to show that its action was caused by something more than a mere desire to avoid the discomfort and unpleasantness that always accompany an unpopular viewpoint.”[115]  The Court set out a two-part standard for when schools could constitutionally regulate student speech: “[C]onduct by the student, in class or out of it, which for any reason—whether it stems from time, place, or type of behavior—materially disrupts classwork or involves substantial disorder or invasion of the rights of others is, of course, not immunized by the constitutional guarantee of freedom of speech.”[116]  Therefore, under the Tinker standard, schools can regulate student speech that either (i) materially disrupts the operation of the school, or (ii) substantially impinges upon the rights of others.[117]

Schools, therefore, should incorporate the language of the Tinker two-part standard into their cyberbullying policy.[118]  There is, however, some ambiguity in its application.  Courts have unevenly applied the first Tinker standard (that schools can regulate student speech that causes “material disruption”).[119]  Courts tend to consider speech as having materially disrupted school activities if administrators are forced to interrupt their regular duties to deal with the disruption.[120]  The disruption must be a real disturbance and something more than a “buzz” about the speech.[121]  However, when the speech is violent, threatening, or sexually explicit, courts have often found that there was a material disruption.[122]  Moreover, courts have also found that schools may discipline students for speech where “a forecast of substantial and material disruption was reasonable.”[123]

Notably, Tinker is different than most cyberbullying cases because Tinker involved political speech.  Arguably, then, the threshold for establishing a “material disruption” may be lower for purely hurtful speech.[124]  As one scholar noted, “cyberbullying incidents that occur at school—or that originate off-campus but ultimately result in a substantial disruption of the learning environment—are well within the school’s legal authority to intervene.”[125]

Though Tinker clearly set out a two-prong standard under which a school may regulate student speech, the trend has been for courts to focus on the first prong (regulating speech that causes a material disruption).  Courts have, for the most part, ignored the possibility of the second prong (regulating speech that substantially impinges on the rights of others).[126]  Although many courts have not yet embraced this second prong of Tinker, the prong may cover many instances of cyberbullying.  For example, if a cyberbully harasses a victim to the point at which the victim misses school or suffers emotional distress, then a school could arguably discipline the cyberbully on the grounds that the student substantially impinged on the rights of another student.

In sum, by combining precedent (although ambiguous at times) a school should be able to draft a cyberbullying policy that would survive First Amendment free speech challenges.  First, the policy should establish that the school will regulate any student speech within its jurisdiction, which includes (i) all speech originating on-campus and (ii) speech originating off-campus if it was “foreseeable” that the speech would reach campus or if there is a “sufficient nexus” between the off-campus speech and the school.  Once jurisdiction is established, then the cyberbullying policy should set forth that the school can (i) wholly regulate speech that “bear[s] the imprimatur of the school” or contains “true threats,” or (ii) regulate speech that “materially disrupts” school operations or “substantially impinge[s] on the rights” of others at the school.[127]

B.            Due Process Issues: Creating a Nonvague Policy with Proper Notice Requirements

In addition to First Amendment challenges, school policies may also be challenged as unconstitutionally vague.[128]  A regulation is unconstitutionally vague, and thus a violation of due process, if it does not give “fair notice of the regulation’s reach” and requires students “to guess as to the contours of its proscriptions.”[129]  Thus, there are two possible vagueness challenges to school cyberbullying policies: the policy is (1) vague as to the definition of what constitutes cyberbullying, or (2) fails to give proper notice of the regulation.  Each of these issues will be taken in turn.

1. Nonvague Explanation of “Cyberbullying”

Specificity of terms is especially important when a regulation, such as a public school cyberbullying policy, is a “content-based regulation of speech.”[130]  Although a school has “a certain degree of flexibility in its disciplinary procedures,” its regulations may still be found to be unconstitutionally vague or overbroad.[131]  The most common reason for a court to sustain a vague or overbroad challenge of a school policy is when specific terms within the policy are not defined.[132]  Therefore, a cyberbullying policy should set forth a clear definition of “cyberbullying.”

As discussed more fully in Part II.A above, this definition should include language as set forth in Hazelwood, Watts, and Tinker.[133]  For example, a cyberbullying policy can prohibit the use of electronic devices to make an electronic communication that is meant to: (1) be a “true threat” against a student or school administrator;[134] (2) “materially disrupt” school operations;[135] or (3) substantially “impinge on the rights” of others at the school.[136]  This third prohibition of “impinging on others” could include: creating “reasonable fear of harm to the student’s person or property;”[137] creating “a substantially detrimental effect on the student’s physical or mental health;”[138] “substantially interfering with a student’s academic performance . . . [or] interfering with the student’s ability to participate in or benefit from the services, activities, or privileges provided by a school;”[139] or being “so severe, persistent, or pervasive” so as to cause “substantial emotional distress.”[140]

The United States Supreme Court has found that for antidiscrimination statutes, “[e]numeration is the essential device used to make the duty not to discriminate concrete and to provide guidance for those who must comply.”[141]  Thus, another way to make the term “cyberbullying” less vague is to set forth a prohibition of cyberbullying based on enumerated characteristics, such as those describing traditionally protected groups or identity-based groups.[142]  For example, in its definition of cyberbullying, the policy should prohibit cyberbullying on the basis of race, color, national origin, gender, religion, disability, sexual orientation, or gender identity to remove any doubt that cyberbullying is prohibited regarding any of these characteristics.[143]  As one study showed, schools that have policies with enumerated categories report less bullying than schools that do not.[144]  Policies should be drafted so that inclusion of enumerated categories does not affect protection for students who do not fall into any of them.[145]

2. Providing Proper Notice

To make certain that students’ due process rights are not violated, cyberbullying policies must give students and parents notice of the details of the policy.  There are three considerations to ensure proper notice is given.  First, the cyberbullying policy must clearly set forth what conduct is forbidden.  For example, one student raised a successful due process challenge to discipline stemming from a violation of the school’s cyberbullying policy because the policy failed to “put students on notice that off-campus speech or conduct which cause[d] a disruption to school activities may subject them to discipline.”[146]  The court explained such notice was necessary so that students could “modify their conduct in conformity with the school rules.”[147]  Therefore, a cyberbullying policy should clearly set forth the what, who, and when.  In other words, the policy should not only define what constitutes “cyberbullying” and against whom it is prohibited (such as enumerated groups of individuals), but it must also explain when the school can exercise jurisdictional authority over the conduct.[148]

Second, the school must ensure that students and parents receive actual notice of the cyberbullying policy.  Students’ due process rights are implicated if they do not have adequate and actual notice of a school’s policy regarding punishment for certain acts.  To meet the actual notice requirement, one scholar suggests that schools should be required to create cyberbullying policies that require parents to receive copies of the school’s cyberbullying policy, along with information on how to prevent cyberbullying and what to do if their child is being cyberbullied.[149]  Florida’s model bullying policy does just that; it suggests that the student handbook include the bullying policy, that school officials should inform all students and parents in writing of the bullying policy at the beginning of each school year, and that there should be an annual process for discussing the policy with students in a student assembly.[150]  Another way schools can fulfill the actual notice requirement is to implement an “acceptable use policy” for the use of the school’s technology resources, which establishes that school technology cannot be used to cyberbully another student.  The “acceptable use policy” should be in the form of a contract, which parents and students must sign before students are able to use the school’s technology resources.[151]

Third, as some state statutes already require, a valid cyberbullying policy should also include a procedure for immediately notifying parents if the school discovers that their child is involved in a cyberbullying incident.  Eleven state statutes require schools to notify the parents of both the victim and the cyberbully.[152]  The West Virginia statute requires schools to notify parents of any student involved in a cyberbullying incident.[153]  Some scholars suggest that schools should notify the alleged cyberbully’s parents prior to any investigation.[154]  After the investigation, the cyberbully and his parents should be notified of the potential consequences to which they may be subjected.[155]

C.            The Fourth Amendment Issues: Allowing for Reasonable Searches and Seizures

The Fourth Amendment raises additional concerns in cyberbullying cases.  Once an incident of alleged cyberbullying is reported to school officials, how can the school investigate the allegations without violating the Fourth Amendment’s prohibition of unreasonable searches and seizures?[156]  To put the issue in context, consider the illustrative hypothetical set forth in the Introduction of this Article: Joe and Jane are middle school students.  Jane’s parents discover that Joe has posted on the Internet an animated game depicting himself and other students punching Jane.  Joe has forwarded a link to the game to many of his school friends, who have in turn forwarded it to other students.  During school hours, while on-campus, numerous students, including Joe, have logged onto the website and participated in the game.  Jane’s parents report the website to school officials.

Can school officials search Joe’s cell phone and personal laptop computer to see if he did indeed create the website?  Can school officials search other students’ personal electronic devices to see if they accessed the website?  If the school decides to search Joe’s cell phone, can school officials also search the cell phone for other instances of cyberbullying or violations of school rules?  All of these questions pose novel issues under the Fourth Amendment.  There are no Supreme Court cases on point.  Moreover, those states that have drafted model bullying policies also fail to address these issues.[157]  Schools, therefore, are once again left without any guidance.  The discussion below aims to answer these questions.

1. The T.L.O. Legal Standard

The controlling authority on the Fourth Amendment application to schools is the 1985 Supreme Court case New Jersey v. T.L.O.[158]  This case involved a teacher who found high school students smoking in the bathroom in violation of school rules.[159]  School officials searched one student’s purse for cigarettes.[160]  After finding cigarettes, the school official continued to search the purse and subsequently found drug paraphernalia.[161]  The student sought to suppress the evidence found in the purse as a violation of the Fourth Amendment.[162]  The Supreme Court first determined that, under the Fourth Amendment, students have a legitimate expectation of privacy in the private property they bring to school.[163]  The students’ interest, however, must be balanced against the interest of school officials “in maintaining discipline in the classroom and on school grounds.”[164]

The Court established a two-step inquiry for determining when it is reasonable for a public school official to search students’ personal property.[165]  First, the search must be justified at inception, meaning there must be “reasonable grounds for suspecting that the search will turn up evidence that the student has violated or is violating either the law or the rules of the school.”[166]  Second, the scope of the search must be “reasonably related to the objective of the search and not excessively intrusive in light of the age and sex of the student and the nature of the infraction.”[167]  Based on this two-prong test, the Court in T.L.O. held the search of the student’s purse did not violate the Fourth Amendment because it was based on an individualized suspicion that she had violated the school rules (first that she was smoking and second that she was using illegal drugs) and was not overly intrusive.[168]  Notably, under T.L.O., once a reasonable suspicion of wrongdoing exists, a search of a student’s personal belongings does not require the student’s consent or the consent of his parents.[169]

Although courts have not specifically dealt with the Fourth Amendment’s role in cyberbullying, two cases have applied the T.L.O. test to the possession and use of cell phones in violation of school rules.  In Klump v. Nazareth Area School District, the school had a policy prohibiting use or display of cell phones during school hours.[170]  The student, Klump, violated the rule when his cell phone fell out of his pocket during class.[171]  After his teacher confiscated his phone, the teacher, along with the principal, then used the phone to call nine other students listed in Klump’s phone directory to determine if they were violating school policy.[172]  They also accessed Klump’s text messages and e-mail, and had an instant messaging conversation with Klump’s younger brother without identifying themselves.[173]  The school officials asserted that they found a drug-related text message while searching the phone.[174]  The court held the search was unreasonable.[175]  While the teacher was justified in seizing the cell phone because it violated the school policy, the search of the phone failed the first part of the T.L.O. test because it was not justified at inception.[176]  The teacher and principal had no reason to suspect that Klump was violating any other school policy other than the possession of the cell phone, thus, seizure alone would have been acceptable.  Notably, there were no facts suggesting that Klump had used his cell phone while on-campus.[177]  Instead the school authorities were impermissibly searching the phone “as a tool to catch other students’ violations.”[178]

In the second cell phone case on point, J.W. v. Desoto County School District, the school district also had a policy prohibiting students from possessing or using cell phones at school.[179]  Student R.W. was caught violating this policy when he opened his cell phone to retrieve a text message during class.[180]  The teacher took R.W.’s phone, opened it, and viewed personal photos stored on it.[181]  R.W. was ordered into the principal’s office where the principal and police sergeant also opened the phone and examined the photographs.[182]  One photo showed another student holding a B.B. gun.[183]  Based on that photo, R.W. was expelled for having gang pictures.[184]  The court applied the T.L.O. test and upheld both the seizure and search of the phone.[185]  The court explained that upon witnessing a student violating the rule, it was reasonable for a school official to seek to determine to what end the student was improperly using the phone.[186]  The court noted the student could have been using his cell phone at school to cheat or communicate with another student who would also be subject to discipline.[187]

The court in Desoto distinguished Klump by explaining that in Klump the student unintentionally violated the school policy (the phone fell out of his pocket) and the school officials used that accident as a pretext for a “fishing expedition.”[188]  In contrast, here R.W. knowingly violated the rules by bringing the phone on school grounds and then using it.[189]  Moreover, as opposed to the “fishing expedition” that occurred in Klump (misleadingly calling other students and responding to text messages and emails using a student’s electronic identity),[190] in R.W.’s case the search by the school officials was limited to a search of the phone.[191]

 

Incorporating the T.L.O. Standard into a Cyberbullying Policy: the search must (1) have “reasonable grounds;” and (2) be limited in “scope.” Cyberbullying policies should incorporate the two-prong test articulated in T.L.O.[192]  First, the policy should indicate that school officials[193] can search a student’s personal electronic device for evidence of cyberbullying only when there are “reasonable grounds” that the search will lead to evidence of cyberbullying by that person (presumably a violation of a school rule).  The policy should also make clear that, unlike in Klump, school officials should not be allowed to misleadingly use the search as a ploy to try to catch other students violating the rules.

As Klump and Desoto illustrate, what constitutes “reasonable grounds” will be a fact-specific inquiry.[194]  For example, applying the first prong of the T.L.O. standard to the illustrative hypothetical set forth at the beginning of this Part of the Article, if Joe, or any other student, was impermissibly using (not just possessing)[195] his electronic device at school, then there would be reasonable grounds to search it to determine to what ends the student was improperly using the electronic device.  The analysis, however, is slightly more complex if the only fact before school officials is a call from Jane’s parents reporting alleged cyberbullying (or an allegation of cyberbullying only from Jane).  Then school officials would have to consider factors such as the perceived credibility of the person making the report[196] and whether the electronic record (e.g., a history of postings or visits to a website, emails, or bullying text messages on a cell phone) is likely to still be accessible.

A school’s cyberbullying policy should also include language incorporating the second prong of the T.L.O. standard, namely a search of a student’s electronic device should be limited in scope.[197]  If there is suspicion of only a cyberbullying text message, or accessing a website as in the hypothetical set forth above involving Joe, then photographs stored on the electronic device should be left alone.  As the Court stated in T.L.O, teachers and school administrators should use their “common sense” in determining the appropriate scope of the search.[198]  Generally, call logs and text logs will be within the scope of the search to determine who else may have received or sent the bullying message, or may have accessed or posted on the bullying website.[199]  However, as addressed in Klump, school officials should not misleadingly or anonymously contact students on these logs to dupe them into admitting further violation of school rules.[200]

2. Special Legal Concerns for Sexting

Sexting is the sending or receiving of sexually explicit messages, images, or videos between cell phones, or posting them on the Internet (such as on Facebook or MySpace).[201]  Unfortunately, sexting is becoming all too popular among high school and middle school students.[202]  These messages are often sent because of romantic interests but can quickly turn into an unforgiving and relentless form of cyberbullying.[203]  Because many child pornography laws prohibit the distribution of child pornography without exception, minors who sext each other can be, and indeed have been, criminally prosecuted.[204]  The possibility of criminal legal liability can also confront school officials.  There are currently no statutory exceptions allowing for school officials to possess or distribute nude images of minors;[205] therefore, school officials who are investigating allegations of cyberbullying that involve sexting could be subject to state and federal criminal felony charges.[206]  One Pennsylvania school board is currently under criminal investigation for improper conduct and disseminating child pornography when it was alleged that phones displaying pornographic images and video clips involving minor students were passed around and viewed by more school employees than necessary to investigate the incident.[207]

Moreover, courts have yet to address the possible civil liability of school officials who uncover and examine nude photos of students.  The American Civil Liberties Union (“ACLU”) recently pursued a private suit against a Pennsylvania district attorney (after privately settling with the school district) when explicit photos on a female student’s cell phone were discovered by the principal and turned over to the district attorney.[208]  In this case, a teacher confiscated a female student’s cell phone when the student used it during class.[209]  The teacher turned the phone over to the principal who informed the student that he had found sexually explicit photos and turned them over to law enforcement.[210]  The cell phone contained photos of the female student in various states of nudity intended to be seen only by the student’s boyfriend and herself.[211]  The ACLU alleges the student’s phone was illegally searched.[212]  Courts have historically been stricter in enforcing the Fourth Amendment when student nudity is involved.[213]

Thus, for a school district and its officials to avoid criminal or civil legal liability, if a cyberbullying investigation leads to the uncovering of images of nude minors, those images should never be distributed or shown to other school officials.[214]  The school official should promptly contact law enforcement and turn the material over to authorities without distributing it.  While school officials can discuss the nature of the material with each other for investigative and disciplinary purposes, cyberbullying policies should strictly prohibit the dissemination or showing of any nude images of children to anyone other than law enforcement.[215]

III.  A Comprehensive Cyberbullying Policy: Including Legally Valid “Policy Considerations”

While cyberbullying is a new and dangerous type of bullying that raises many novel and complex constitutional issues, the sole purpose of a cyberbullying policy—to halt cyberbullying—should not be forgotten.  There are at least three other guidelines that schools should consider in order to create a comprehensive cyberbullying policy: (1) how to set forth  procedures that properly respond to and report cyberbullying incidents; (2) how to adopt legally valid and proportionate remedies once a cyberbullying incident has occurred; and (3) how to educate students, parents, and school officials about the vices of cyberbullying.[216]  This Part of the Article will address these additional issues by incorporating the best elements of already existing statutory requirements along with some refinements to ensure that the model cyberbullying policy in Appendix B of this Article is not only constitutional, but also comprehensive.[217]

A.            Procedures for Responding to and Reporting Cyberbullying Incidents

As discussed in a previous Subpart of this Article, a school must provide notice of its cyberbullying policy to students and parents in order to survive constitutional challenges.[218]  This notice should also include information on how to identify, respond to, and report cyberbullying incidents.[219]  Because of the often sensitive nature of cyberbullying (particularly if it involves sexting), the reporting provision should specifically identify the school official[220] who will be a “safe contact” person for students who wish to report incidents of cyberbullying.[221]

In addition, because some students have “indicated that when they reported cyberbullying incidents to teachers, these conversations were not confidential and in some instances resulted in additional retaliatory harassment,”[222] the reporting provision should allow for anonymous and confidential reporting.[223]  This could be implemented in a number of ways, such as an anonymous online form on the school’s website or an anonymous drop box inside the school.  However, because the reliability and credibility of an anonymous report cannot be ascertained, school officials should neither take disciplinary action[224] nor search a student’s personal electronic devices solely based on an anonymous tip.[225]  Nevertheless, based on an anonymous tip, school officials could research the Internet on their own (to see if certain websites exist) or interview students and parents.

Finally, the reporting provision of a cyberbullying policy should put students and parents on notice that school officials may report cyberbullying incidents to law enforcement depending on the criminal nature, gravity, or repetition of the offense.[226]  Fines and imprisonment for criminal behavior are possibilities.[227]

B.            Proportionate Remedies for Cyberbullying Incidents

Schools have many options in how to respond to cyberbullying.  Such options include suspending, expelling, or counseling the student as well as contacting the appropriate authorities.[228]  While certain state statutes mandate specific remedies,[229] a majority of states leave it to schools to create remedies and punishments for cyberbullying.[230]  Courts generally defer to the school’s judgment of what level of punishment is appropriate.[231]  The court may weigh public policy interests in determining whether the punishment is too harsh, but unless the facts fall heavily on the side of harm to the student, courts will accept the form of punishment that a school chooses.[232]  As one court stated, “we are mindful that ‘[i]t is not the role of the federal courts to set aside decisions of school administrators which the court may view as lacking a basis in wisdom or compassion.’”[233]  Because of the vastly different ways schools can respond to cyberbullying, some have called for uniform policies.[234]

Schools may, for example, adopt a tiered approach to consequential remedies, which would allow schools to take into consideration the nature of the offense and the age of the student.  For a first time or minor offense, schools can mandate the cyberbully attend mandatory counseling and education sessions.  For a second or more serious offense, schools can prohibit students from participating in school activities such as sports or student government.  Prohibiting a student from participation in a school-sponsored activity is often ideal because, while it might be a stern punishment, it will not have the serious detrimental effect on the student’s academic record that school suspension would have.  Additionally, to avoid tragic school shootings like what occurred at Columbine High School,[235] it is particularly important for schools to discipline cyberbullies who are involved in student activities and purportedly serve as role models to other students.  For a serious incident of cyberbullying that includes violent speech, school suspension or expulsion may be warranted.[236]  In such cases, there may also be civil and criminal liability outside the school’s jurisdiction.[237]

In addition to consequential remedies, cyberbullying policies should also include preventive remedies.  A false accusation of cyberbullying might trigger retaliation, which would then lead to actual cyberbullying.  Thus, when considering preventive remedies, schools should also prohibit retaliation or false accusations against a target or witness of cyberbullying.[238]  In addition to delineating prohibited conduct, the cyberbullying policy should also indicate the types of behavior the school wishes to promote.[239]  For instance, the policy should reflect that schools expect students to be “good citizens—not passive bystanders—[and to report incidents] if they are aware of bullying or students who appear troubled.”[240]  Finally, after an incident of cyberbullying, schools should provide post-care counseling to both the cyberbully and victim[241] and, when necessary, “file a complaint with the Internet site or service to have the material removed.”[242]

C.            Educating Students, Parents, and School Officials

Because cyberbullying is a new phenomenon, it takes time, unfortunately, for the law to catch up to the problem.  Thus, it is imperative that a comprehensive cyberbullying policy provide for educational opportunities whenever possible.  As the Florida Department of Education has explained, education about bullying is an important tool that can help “change the social climate of the school and the social norms with regards to bullying.”[243]

Florida law mandates that schools develop “a procedure for providing instruction to students, parents, teachers, school administrators, counseling staff, and school volunteers on identifying, preventing, and responding to bullying or harassment.”[244]  The law, however, provides little guidance as to what those programs should include.[245]  Student training and education should start at a young age, since instances of cyberbullying have been reported by students as young as ten.[246]  An educational program for students should train students on: (1) the meaning of cyberbullying and the need to refrain from engaging in it—even if meant as a joke—since there are possible repercussions within the school or even within the justice system;[247] (2) how to be an ally to peers who are being bullied;[248] and (3) how to protect themselves from being cyberbullied.[249]  Schools should consider allowing students to play an active role in developing the school’s cyberbullying educational programs.[250]

In addition to providing educational opportunities for students, schools should also train parents and school officials.  Maryland law, for example, mandates such training.[251]  Part of the training program for school officials should include training specific faculty members to be “safe contacts” to whom students may report incidents of cyberbullying.[252]  Parents may be in the best position to prevent their children from “abusing available technology, or putting themselves at risk of being cyberbullied.”[253]  Parents should be educated in how to identify and prevent incidents of cyberbullying.[254]  Schools can educate and train parents by various methods including meetings and assemblies at the school, newsletters from the school or district, half-time programs at school sports events, and parent workshops.[255]  Parents should also be educated on the consequences of cyberbullying to send a clear message that schools will not tolerate cyberbullying.[256]

Conclusion

Cyberbullying presents a danger to schoolchildren.  Because cyberbullying involves the Internet and the use of cell phones, it is more pervasive, relentless, and cruel than off-line bullying.  There is simply no escape for victims of cyberbullying.  Indeed, cyberbullying follows a victim from their school to their home, and possibly to their adult life.  Legislatures and public schools are taking measures to combat cyberbullying.  However, with this new medium for bullying comes many new and challenging legal issues.

These new issues can be resolved.  A cyberbullying policy that carefully adopts language to deal with a public school’s jurisdiction over off-campus speech that either materially disrupts school activities or impinges on another student’s rights should address First Amendment concerns.  A cyberbullying policy that sets forth clear definitions of terms and gives proper notice to students and parents should ensure that due process is met.  And finally, a cyberbullying policy that establishes a reasonable process by which school officials can conduct searches of students’ personal electronic devices when investigating cyberbullying claims should address Fourth Amendment issues.  The model cyberbullying policy set forth in Appendix B attempts to do just that—to provide a step in the right direction so that public schools can ensure a safe environment without trampling students’ constitutional and legal rights.

 

 

Appendix A

Chart of Current State and Federal
Antibullying Statutes

State Antibullying Statute

Statute requires schools to enact bullying policy?

 

Statute specifically includes the terms “cyberbullying” or “electronic harassment”?

Model Antibullying School Policy provided?

Statute requires notice be given to parents?

Alabama

Ala. Code §§ 16-28B-1 to -9 (2011)[257]

Yes[258]

Yes[259]

No

No

Alaska

Alaska Stat. §§ 14.33.200-250 (2011)

Yes[260]

No

Yes[261]

No

Arizona

Ariz. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 15-341(37) (2011)

Yes[262]

No

No

No

Arkansas

Ark. Code Ann. § 6-18-514 (2010)

Yes[263]

Yes[264]

No

No

California

Cal. Educ. Code §§ 32282, 32261 (West 2011)

Yes[265]

Yes[266]

Yes[267]

No

Colorado

Colo. Rev. Stat. Ann § 22-32-109.1 (2010)

Yes[268]

No

Yes[269]

No

Connecticut

Conn. Gen. Stat. § 10-222d (2010)

Yes[270]

No

No

Yes[271]

District of Columbia

D.C. Mun. Regs. tit. 5, § 2405.5 (2011)

No[272]

No[273]

No[274]

No

Delaware

Del. Code Ann. tit. 14, § 4112D (2011)

Yes[275]

Yes[276]

Yes[277]

Yes[278]

Florida

Fla. Stat. § 1006.147 (2010)

Yes[279]

Yes[280]

Yes[281]

Yes[282]

Georgia

Ga. Code Ann. § 20-2-751.4 (2011)

Yes[283]

Yes[284]

No

Yes[285]

Hawaii[286]

Proposed but not passed[287]

Idaho

Idaho Code Ann. §§ 18-917A, 33-512 (2011)

Yes[288]

Yes[289]

No

No

Illinois

105 Ill. Comp. Stat. 5/27-23.7 (2010)

Yes[290]

Yes[291]

No

No

Indiana

Ind. Code § 20-33-8-0.2 (2010)

Yes[292]

No

No

No

Iowa

Iowa  Code § 280.28 (2010)

Yes[293]

Yes[294]

Yes[295]

No

Kansas

Kan. Stat. Ann. 72-8256 (2011)

Yes[296]

Yes[297]

No

No

Kentucky

KY Rev. Stat. Ann. §§ 158.148, .440 (West 2010)

Yes[298]

No

No

No

Louisiana

LA Rev. Stat. Ann § 17:416.13 (2011)

Yes[299]

Yes[300]

No

No

Maine

ME Rev. Stat. Ann. tit. 20, § 1001(15(H)) (2010)

Yes[301]

No

Yes[302]

No

Maryland

MD. Code Ann., Educ. §§ 7-424, -434.1 (West 2010)

Yes[303]

Yes[304]

No

No

Massachusetts

Mass. Gen. Laws 71 § 37O (2011)

Yes[305]

Yes[306]

No

Yes[307]

Michigan

proposed but not passed[308]

Yes[309]

Minnesota

Minn. Stat. § 121A.0695 (2010)

Yes[310]

Yes[311]

No

No

Mississippi

Miss. Code. Ann. § 37-11-67 (2010)

Yes[312]

Yes[313]

No

No

Missouri

Mo. Rev. Stat. § 160.775 (2011)

Yes[314]

Yes[315]

No

No

Montana

(No Statute)

No

No

No

No

Nebraska

Neb. Rev. Stat. §§ 79-2, 137 (2010)

Yes[316]

Yes[317]

Yes[318]

No

Nevada

Nev. Rev. Stat. §§ 388.122 to .123, .133 (2010)

Yes[319]

Yes[320]

No

No

New Hampshire

N.H. Rev. Stat. Ann. §§ 193-F:1 to -6 (2011)

Yes[321]

Yes[322]

No

Yes[323]

New Jersey

N.J. Stat. Ann. §§ 18A:37-13, -15 (West 2011)

Yes[324]

Yes[325]

Yes[326]

No

New Mexico

N.M. Code R. § 6.12.7 (Weil 2010)

Yes[327]

Yes[328]

No

No

New York

N.Y. Educ. Law § 2801-a (McKinney 2009)

Yes[329]

No

No

Yes[330]

North Carolina

N.C.  Gen Stat. § 115C-407.15 (2010)

Yes[331]

Yes[332]

No

No

North Dakota

(No Statute)

No

No

No

No

Ohio

Ohio Rev. Code Ann. § 3313.666 (West 2011)

Yes[333]

No

Yes[334]

Yes[335]

Oklahoma

Okla. Stat. tit.70, § 24-100.4 (2011)

Yes[336]

Yes[337]

Yes[338]

No

Oregon

OR. Rev. Stat. §§ 339.351 and 339.356 (2010)

Yes[339]

Yes[340]

No

No

Pennsylvania

24 PA. Cons. Stat. § 13-1303.1-A (2010)

Yes[341]

Yes[342]

No

No

Rhode Island

R.I. Gen. Laws § 16-21-26 (2011)

Yes[343]

Yes[344]

Yes[345]

No

South Carolina

S.C. Code Ann. §§ 59-63-140, -120 (2010)

Yes[346]

Yes[347]

Yes[348]

No

South Dakota

(No Statute)

No

No

No

No

Tennessee

Tenn. Code Ann. §§ 49-6-1015 to -1016 (2011)

Yes[349]

No

No

No

Texas

Tex. Educ. Code Ann. § 37.001 (West 2009)

Yes[350]

No

No

Yes[351]

Utah

Utah Code Ann. § 53A-11A-301 (West 2011)

Yes[352]

No

No

Yes[353]

Vermont

VT. Stat. Ann. tit. 16, § 565 (2011)

Yes[354]

No

Yes[355]

No

Virginia

VA. Code Ann. § 22.1-279.6 (2011)

Yes[356]

Yes[357]

No

No

Washington

Wash. Rev. Code § 28A.300.285 (2010)

Yes[358]

Yes[359]

Yes[360]

No

West Virginia

W. Va. Code Ann. § 18-2C-3 (West 2011)

Yes[361]

No

Yes[362]

Yes[363]

Wisconsin

Wis. Stat. § 118.46 (2010)

Yes[364]

No

Yes[365]

No

Wyoming

Wyo. Stat. Ann. §§ 21-4-312, -314 (2011)

Yes[366]

Yes[367]

No

No

Federal Antibullying Statute

Federal Laws

Proposed, but not passed[368]

Proposed, but not passed[369]

 

Appendix B

Model Cyberbullying Policy For Public Schools[370]

It is the policy of this school that all students and school employees enjoy a safe and secure educational setting.  The school prohibits cyberbullying, as defined herein.  Nothing in this policy is intended to infringe on the constitutional rights of students or school employees.

1. Definitions

(a)   The term “cyberbullying”[371]

(i)     means the use of any electronic communication, by individuals or groups, to

(1)   make a true threat against a student or school employee;[372]

(2)   materially disrupt school operations;[373] or

(3)   substantially impinge on the rights of another student such as, but not limited to: creating reasonable fear of harm to the student’s person or property; creating a substantially detrimental effect on the student’s physical or mental health; substantially interfering with a student’s academic performance or interfering with the student’s ability to participate in or benefit from the services, activities, or privileges provided by the school; or being so severe, persistent, or pervasive as to cause severe emotional distress.[374]

(ii)   includes conduct that is based on, but not limited to, a student’s actual or perceived[375] race, color, national origin, gender, religion, disability, sexual orientation or gender identity, distinguishing physical or personal characteristic, socioeconomic status, or association with any person identified in section 1(a)(ii).

(b)   As used in this policy, the term “electronic communications” means communications through any electronic device, including, but not limited to, computers, telephones, mobile phones, pagers, and any type of communication, including, but not limited to, emails, instant messages, text messages, picture messages, and websites.[376]

2. School Jurisdiction[377]

(a)   No student shall be subjected to cyberbullying by an electronic communication that bears the imprimatur of the school regardless of whether such electronic communication originated on or off the school’s campus.

(b)   The school shall have jurisdiction to prohibit cyberbullying that originates on the school’s campus if the electronic communication was made using the school’s technological resources or the electronic communication was made on the school’s campus using the student’s own personal technological resources.

(c)    The school shall have jurisdiction to prohibit cyberbullying that originates off the school’s campus if: [378]

(i)     it was reasonably foreseeable that the electronic communication would reach the school’s campus; or

(ii)   there is a sufficient nexus between the electronic communication and the school which includes, but is not limited to, speech that is directed at a school-specific audience, or the speech was brought onto or accessed on the school campus, even if it was not the student in question who did so.

3. Notice[379]

(a)   Parents shall receive written notice of this cyberbullying policy at the beginning of each school year.

(b)   There shall be an annual process for discussing this policy with students in a student assembly.

(c)    For access to the school’s technological resources, including but not limited to email and Internet access, students and parents shall review, sign, and return the school’s acceptable use policy which prohibits the use of the school’s technological resources for cyberbullying.[380]

(d)   This policy, along with the school’s acceptable use policy as described in section 3(c), shall be prominently posted at school on student bulletin boards and in computer labs, and on the school’s website.

4. Investigations

(a)   Parents shall be notified as soon as practicable if their child is involved in a school investigation concerning cyberbullying.[381]

(b)   School officials may search and seize a student’s personal electronic device, including but not limited to cell phones and computers, if:[382]

(i)     the student is using the electronic device at school in violation of school rules; or

(ii)   the school official

(1)   has reasonable grounds for suspecting the search will turn up evidence that the student has violated or is violating either the law or the school rules; and

(2)   the search is limited in scope by being reasonably related to the objective of the search and not excessively intrusive in light of the age and sex of the student and the nature of the infraction.

(c)    Reasonable grounds, as set forth in section 4(b)(ii)(1), will not be established solely on anonymous reports.[383]

(d)   If the cyberbullying victim or student reporting the cyberbullying is willing, the school shall initiate an interview to determine the nature of the bullying, the name of the participants, where and how the information was being sent, and how far the images or messages have spread.[384]

(e)    Any evidence of cyberbullying discovered during an investigation should be preserved.  Such actions may include, but are not limited to, saving the victim’s cell phone, text, or email messages; and printing or copying posts or other electronic communications available on websites before removing them.[385]

(f)     If, during the course of a cyberbullying investigation, images of nude minors are discovered, those images should not be distributed or shown to other school officials.  The school official who discovered the image should promptly contact law enforcement.[386]

5. Reporting[387]

(a)   Specific faculty members [insert names here] will be the main contacts for students who wish to report incidents of cyberbullying.  Students, parents, and other school officials may also contact the principal to report incidents of cyberbullying.

(b)   Anonymous and confidential reports of cyberbullying incidents are allowed, but they will not provide the sole basis for a search of a student’s personal electronic device or for disciplinary action.

(c)    School officials may report incidents of cyberbullying to law enforcement depending on the criminal nature of the offense, or the gravity and repetition of the offense.

6. Remedies[388]

(a)   An individual student whose behavior is found to be in violation of this policy will be subject to discipline.  In determining the disciplinary action, the school will take into consideration the nature of the offense, the age of the student, and the following:

(i)     For a first-time or minor cyberbullying offense, the school may mandate that the student attend mandatory counseling and education sessions.

(ii)   For a second or more serious cyberbullying offense, the school may prohibit the student from participating in school activities or events.

(iii)  For a serious incident of cyberbullying, the school may suspend or expel the student.

(b)   No student shall retaliate or make false accusations against a target or witness of cyberbullying.

(c)    Whenever practicable, the school shall provide counseling to all students involved in a cyberbullying incident.

(d)   Whenever practicable, the school shall file a complaint with Internet sites or services containing cyberbullying material to have the material removed.

7. Education[389]

(a)   The school shall provide an annual educational program for students, parents, and school officials.  This education program shall train individuals:

(i)     on the meaning of and prohibition against cyberbullying, including the provisions of this policy;

(ii)   how students can report cyberbullying incidents;

(iii)  how students can be an ally to peers who are being cyberbullied; and

(iv)  how students can protect themselves from being cyberbullied.

(b)   The school shall encourage students to play an active role in developing the school’s cyberbullying educational programs.

 


* Associate Professor of Law, Pepperdine University School of Law.  I am deeply thankful to Professor Bernie James for his mentoring.  I would also like to thank Lindsey Forrester Archer, Holly Townson, and Whitney McEachran for their thorough research and a special thanks to Elizaveta Kabanova for her research and last-minute editing suggestions.

[1]. Cindy Long, Silencing Cyberbullies, NEAToday (May 2008), http://www.nea.org/home/4104.htm.  The article notes that in one cyberbullying incident “a ‘popular girl’ placed her digital camera under a bathroom partition to capture an ‘unpopular’ girl in a compromising position.”  Id.

[2]. See, e.g., Sameer Hinduja & Justin W. Patchin, Cyberbullying: Identification, Prevention, and Response, Cyberbullying Research Center, http://www.cyberbullying.us/Cyberbullying_Identification_Prevention_Response_Fact_Sheet.pdf (last visited Sept. 16, 2011).

[3]. Mary Ellen Flannery, Top Eight Challenges Teachers Face This School Year, NEAToday (Sept. 13, 2010), http://neatoday.org/2010/09/13/top-eight
-challenges-teachers-face-this-school-year/ (“[N]early one in three teens say they’ve been victimized via the Internet or cell phones.  A teacher’s role—or a school’s role—is still fuzzy in many places.  What legal rights or responsibilities do they have to silence bullies, especially when they operate from home?”).

[4]. See, e.g., Thomas v. Bd. of Educ., 607 F.2d 1043, 1052 (2d Cir. 1979).  The court explained:

When school officials are authorized only to punish speech on school property, the student is free to speak his mind when the school day ends.  In this manner, the community is not deprived of the salutary effects of expression, and educational authorities are free to establish an academic environment in which the teaching and learning process can proceed free of disruption. Indeed, our willingness to grant school officials substantial autonomy within their academic domain rests in part on the confinement of that power within the metes and bounds of the school itself.

Id.

[5]. See id.; see also Flaherty v. Keystone Oaks Sch. Dist., 247 F. Supp. 2d 698, 705 (W.D. Pa. 2003) (finding a school policy constitutionally overbroad where the policy lacked language to limit the school’s authority “to discipline expressions that occur on school premises or at school related activities, thus providing unrestricted power to school officials”).

[6]. See J.S. ex rel. Snyder v. Blue Mountain Sch. Dist., 593 F.3d 286 (3d Cir. 2010), vacated, reh’g granted en banc, No. 08-4138, 2010 U.S. App. LEXIS 7342, at *1 (3d Cir. Apr. 9, 2010), rev’d en banc, No. 08-4138, 2011 WL 2305973, at *1 (3d Cir. June 13, 2011).  In this case, the court was deciding whether a school could discipline a student for creating, on a home computer, a vulgar and fake MySpace page of the school’s principal.  Snyder, 2011 WL 2305973, at *1.  Finding that the school could not discipline the student, the en banc court was fractured—seven judges joined the majority, five judges concurred and six judges dissented.  Id. at *8, *18, *22.

[7]. Compare id. at *27 (Fisher, J., dissenting) (stating that “[o]ur decision today causes a split with the Second Circuit”), with Wisniewski v. Bd. of Educ., 494 F.3d 34, 40 (2d Cir. 2007) (holding that the school can regulate student speech created off-campus where it was reasonably foreseeable that it would reach the school campus).

[8]. A proposed bill that would make cyberbullying a federal crime sets forth the following findings of fact:

Congress finds the following: . . .

(4) Online victimizations are associated with emotional distress and other psychological problems, including depression.

(5) Cyberbullying can cause psychological harm, including depression; negatively impact academic performance, safety, and the well-being of children in school; force children to change schools; and in some cases lead to extreme violent behavior, including murder and suicide.

(6) Sixty percent of mental health professionals who responded to the Survey of Internet Mental Health Issues report having treated at least one patient with a problematic Internet experience in the previous five years; 54 percent of these clients were 18 years of age or younger.

Cyberbullying Prevention Act, H.R. 1966, 111th Cong. (2010).

[9]. “Most teens text daily.”  Amanda Lenhart, Teens, Cell Phones and Texting: Text Messaging Becomes Centerpiece Communication, Pew Internet & Am. Life Project, http://pewresearch.org/pubs/1572/teens-cell-phones-text
-messages (last visited Sept. 19, 2011) (noting that teenagers’ use of cell phones and texting has increased from 45% to 75% since 2004, and that 72% of teens are texters); Jill Tucker, Social Networking Has Hidden Dangers For Teens, S.F. Chronicle (Aug. 9, 2009, 08:31 PM), available at http://www.sfgate.com
/cgi-bin/article.cgi?f=/c/a/2009/08/10/BA9T1954T7.DTL#ixzz1J3WA1cEI (“While teens are spending more and more time on social networking sites like Facebook and MySpace¾with 22 percent saying they check their sites more than 10 times a day¾they don’t seem to be aware of the long-term personal havoc they could create with a click of a button.”); see also id. (explaining “51 [percent of teens] check their sites more than once a day”).

[10]. Bullying/Cyberbullying Prevention Law: Model Statute and Advocacy Toolkit, Anti-Defamation League, 5 (Apr. 1, 2009), http://www.adl.org/civil
_rights/Anti-Bullying%20Law%20Toolkit_2009.pdf; see also Bullying, Berkshire Dist. Attorney’s Office, http://www.mass.gov/?pageID=berterminal
&L=3&L0=Home&L1=Crime+Awareness+%26+Prevention&L2=Parents+%26+Youth&sid=Dber&b=terminalcontent&f=parents_youth_bullying&csid=Dber (last visited Aug. 31, 2011).  The article explained:

Bullying is the most common form of violence.  Some 3.7 million youth engage in it, and more than 3.2 million are victims of bullying annually.

An estimated 160,000 children miss school every day out of fear of attack or intimidation by other students . . . .

72% of teens report ‘at least one incident’ of bullying online (name calling, insults via IM or social networking sites).

90% did NOT report the incident to an adult.

Id.

[11]. Hinduja & Patchin, supra note 2, at 1.

[12]. See Jenny Walker, White House Conference on Bullying Prevention, CyberBullyingNews.com (Mar. 10, 2011), http://www.cyberbullyingnews.com
/2011/03/white-house-conference-on-bullying-prevention-watch-live-today/.

[13]. Randy Taran, Cyberbullying: Strategies to Take Back Your Power, Huffington Post (Jan. 17, 2011, 12:12 PM), http://huffingtonpost.com/randy
-taran/cyberbullying-10-ways-to_b_807005.html.

[14]. Sameer Hinduja & Justin W. Patchin, Cyberbullying Research Summary: Cyberbullying and Suicide, Cyberbullying Research Center (2010), http://www.cyberbullying.us/cyberbullying_and_suicide_research_fact
_sheet.pdf.

[15]. Linsey Davis & Emily Friedman, NJ Gov. Wonders How Rutgers ‘Spies’ Can Sleep at Night After Clementi’s Suicide, ABC News (Sept. 30, 2010), http://abcnews.go.com/US/suicide-rutgers-university-freshman-tyler-clementi
-stuns-veteran/story?id=11763784.

[16]. Victoria Kim & Richard Winton, School Holds Tolerance Seminar as 3 Boys Are Arrested in ‘Ginger’ Attacks, L.A. Times, Nov. 30, 2009, http://articles.latimes.com/2009/nov/30/local/la-me-ginger-attacks1-2009dec01.

[17]. Long, supra note 1.

[18]. Id.

[19]. Christopher Maag, A Hoax Turned Fatal Draws Anger but No Charges, N.Y. Times, Nov. 28, 2007, http://www.nytimes.com/2007/11/28/us/28hoax.html?
_r=2&oref=slogin.

[20]. Michelle Kim, Boy, 14, Arrested for Cyber-Bullying 12-Year-Olds, NBC N.Y., Mar. 14, 2011, http://www.nbcnewyork.com/news/local/117966829.html.

[21]. Students Arrested for Cyber Bullying, WAFB La.’s News Channel, http://www.wafb.com/global/story.asp?s=2774728& (last visited Aug. 29, 2011).

[22]. Jason Beahm, Teen Cyberbullying Arrest: Fake Facebook Page, FindLaw Blogs (Jan. 21, 2011, 12:15 PM), http://blogs.findlaw.com/blotter/2011
/01/teen-cyberbullying-arrest-fake-facebook-page.html.

[23]. Russell Goldman, Teens Indicted After Allegedly Taunting Girl Who Hanged Herself, ABC News (Mar. 29, 2010), http://abcnews.go.com/Technology
/TheLaw/teens-charged-bullying-mass-girl-kill/story?id=10231357.

[24]. Emily Bazelon, What Really Happened to Phoebe Prince? The Untold Story of Her Suicide and the Role of the Kids Who Have Been Criminally Charged For It, Slate (July 20, 2010, 10:13 PM), http://www.slate.com/id
/2260952/entry/2260953.

[25]. Erik Eckholm & Katie Zezima, 6 Teenagers Are Charged After Classmate’s Suicide, N.Y. Times, Mar. 29, 2010, http://www.nytimes.com/2010
/03/30/us/30bully.html.

[26]. Bazelon, supra note 24.

[27]. Id.

[28]. Frank LoMonte, States Should Protect Student Journalists, Philly.Com (Aug. 11, 2010), http://articles.philly.com/2010-08-11/news/24971988_1_student
-journalism-student-reporters-number-of-school-systems.

[29]. Hinduja & Patchin, supra note 2, at 2.  This study determined that:

Parents often say that they don’t have the technical skills to keep up with their kids’ online behavior; teachers are afraid to intervene in behaviors that often occur away from school; and law enforcement is hesitant to get involved unless there is clear evidence of a crime or a significant threat to someone’s physical safety.

Id.

[30]. Rick Nauert, Social Workers Struggle to Deal with Cyber Bullying, PsychCentral (Jan. 11, 2011), http://psychcentral.com/news/2011/01/11/social
-workers-struggle-to-deal-with-cyber-bullying/22507.html (“Although cyber bullying is growing in prevalence, new research suggests nearly half of elementary, middle and high school social workers feel ill-equipped to deal with such victimization.”).  The article explains:

In a survey of nearly 400 school social workers at the elementary, middle and high school levels who were members of the Midwest School Social Work Council, the researchers found that while all respondents felt that cyber bullying can cause psychological harm, including suicide, about 45 percent felt they were not equipped to handle cyber bullying, even though they recognized it as a problem.

Further, only about 20 percent thought their school had an effective cyber bullying policy.

“If there’s no policy in place to guide them, staffers are flying solo in this area, and that can be a liability,” said Singer.

Id.

[31]. If a school does not take active steps to prohibit student harassment, they face possible civil liability, under both federal and state laws, from students who have been harassed by their peers.  See, e.g., 20 U.S.C. § 1681(a) (2010) (“No person . . . shall, on the basis of sex, be excluded from participation in, be denied the benefits of, or be subjected to discrimination under any education program or activity receiving Federal financial assistance.”); Murrell v. Sch. Dist. No. 1, 186 F.3d 1238, 1238 (10th Cir. 1999) (finding that a school district could be held liable under Title IX for having actual knowledge of student-on-student harassment and failing to take active steps to prevent it); Williams v. Port Huron Area Sch. Dist. Bd. of Educ., No. 06-14556, 2010 WL 1286306, at *1 (E.D. Mich. Mar. 30, 2010) (holding that a school district was liable for student-on-student harassment under the “deliberate indifference” standard of Title VI and Title IX claims, when students were harassed based on their race); L.W. v. Toms River Reg’l Schs. Bd. of Educ., 915 A.2d 535, 535 (N.J. 2007) (ruling that the New Jersey discrimination law extended a duty to schools to prevent students from being sexually harassed by fellow students); Susan H. Kosse, Student Designed Home Web Pages: Does Title IX or the First Amendment Apply?, 43 Ariz. L. Rev. 905, 905-19 (2001) (explaining the schools’ dilemma in regulating student web pages in violation of the First Amendment but also subjecting themselves to liability under Title IX for failing to prevent sexual harassment).

[32]. Eckholm & Zezima, supra note 25.

[33]. Jan Hoffman, Online Bullies Pull Schools Into the Fray, N.Y. Times, June 27, 2010, http://www.nytimes.com/2010/06/28/style/28bully.html?_r=1&sq
=hoffman&st=cse&scp=3&pagewanted=all.  The author notes:

Many principals hesitate to act because school discipline codes or state laws do not define cyberbullying.  But Bernard James, an education law scholar at Pepperdine University, said that administrators interpreted statutes too narrowly: “Educators are empowered to maintain safe schools,” Professor James said. “The timidity of educators in this context of emerging technology is working to the advantage of bullies.”

Id.

[34]. Cdnogen, Research Post: School Officials Handle Cyber Bullying, StudentWebStuff.com (Oct. 1, 2009, 10:45 AM), http://www.studentwebstuff.com/mis/showthread.php?t=8123.  The article notes:

It is time to address cyber bullying in detail, so that educational institutions can be well aware of their legal rights and responsibilities.  This requires clearly defining the scope of cyber bullying and early detection of activities. From these, schools should be able to better assess and decrease the number of cases through prevention strategies.

Id.

[35]. Hoffman, supra note 33.

[36]. Id. (internal quotation marks omitted).

[37]. Id.

[38]. See infra Part II.A.

[39]. See infra Part II.A.

[40]. Mahaffey v. Aldrich, 236 F. Supp. 2d 779, 781-82 (E.D. Mich. 2002).  The student added a disclaimer to his page, “[D]on’t go killing people and stuff.”  Id. at 782.  Although unintended, the webpage was circulated to other students at the school.  Id. at 786.

[41]. Id.

[42]. J.S. ex rel. H.S. v. Bethlehem Area Sch. Dist., 807 A.2d 847, 851 (Pa. 2002).

[43]. J.S. ex rel. Snyder v. Blue Mountain Sch. Dist., 593 F.3d 286 (3d Cir. 2010), vacated, reh’g granted en banc, No. 08-4138, 2010 U.S. App. LEXIS 7342  (3d Cir. Apr. 9, 2010), rev’d en banc, No. 08-4138, 2011 WL 2305973 (3d Cir. June 13, 2011).  Seven judges joined the majority, five judges concurred, and six judges dissented.  See id. at *8, *18, *22.

[44]. Layshock v. Hermitage Sch. Dist., 496 F. Supp. 2d 587 (W.D. Pa. 2006), aff’d, 593 F.3d 249 (3d Cir. 2010), vacated, reh’g granted en banc, No. 07-4465, 2010 U.S. App. LEXIS 7362 (3d Cir. Apr. 9, 2010), aff’d on reh’g, No. 07-4465, 2011 WL 2305970 (3d Cir. June 13, 2011) (en banc).

[45]. See, e.g., Mitsuri Taki, Relations Among Bullying, Stresses, and Stressors, in Handbook of Bullying in Schools: An International Perspective 151, 151 (Shane R. Jimerson, Susan M. Swearer, & Dorothy L. Espelage eds., 2010) (describing research findings on the causes and effects of bullying from as far back as the 1970s); Ben Craw, The ‘80s Bully Megacut: Shoves, Wedgies, Putdowns, and Punches, The Huffington Post (May 14, 2010), http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2010/05/14/the-80s-bully-megacut-sho_n
_575350.html (describing the typical bully in the 1980s).

[46]. See infra Part I.B (surveying the current state laws concerning bullying and cyberbullying).  The Arizona law regulating bullying in schools gives an example of the typical language used in antibullying statutes.  See infra Part I.B.  The statute provides: “The Governing Board shall . . . [p]rescribe and enforce policies and procedures to prohibit pupils from harassing, intimidating and bullying other pupils on school grounds, on school property, on school buses, at school bus stops and at school sponsored events and activities.”  Ariz. Rev. Stat. § 15-341(A)(37) (2011).  See also Idaho Code Ann. § 33-512(6) (2006) (stating that each district shall have the duty to “prescribe rules for the disciplining of unruly or insubordinate pupils, including rules on student harassment, intimidation and bullying”); Me. Rev. Stat. tit. 20-A, § 1001(15)(H) (2009) (mandating that school boards shall “[e]stablish policies and procedures to address bullying, harassment and sexual harassment”); Neb. Rev. Stat. § 79-2,137 (2008) (establishing that each district shall establish a policy on bullying and finding that “[b]ullying disrupts a school’s ability to educate students”).

[47]. Anti-Defamation League, supra note 10, at 1 (explaining that for victims of cyberbullying “there is no refuge and victimization can be relentless”); see also David Kravets, Cyberbullying Bill Gets Chilly Reception, Threatlevel (Sept. 30, 2009, 6:37 PM), http://www.wired.com/threatlevel
/2009/09/cyberbullyingbill/?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+wired27b+%28Blog+‑+27B+Stroke+6+%28Threat+Level%29%29.  The article quotes Rep. Linda Sanchez (D-CA) explaining: “Bullying has gone electronic . . . This literally means kids can be bullied at any hour of the day or the night, or even in the victims’ own home.”  Id. (internal quotation marks omitted).  Representative Sanchez proposed the “Megan Meier Cyberbullying Prevention Act,” which would make cyberbullying a federal offense.  H.R. 1966, 111th Cong. (2010).

[48]. Hinduja & Patchin, supra note 2, at 2.

[49]. Anti-Defamation League, supra note 10, at 1.

[50]. Mike Hardcastle, What is Cyberbullying? Bullying Comes Home, About.Com TeenAdvice, http://teenadvice.about.com/od/schoolviolence/a
/cyberbullying1.htm (last visited Aug. 31, 2011).  The article states:

Bullying has been around forever but cyberbullying is different because it lets a bully remain anonymous.  It is easier to bully in cyberspace than it is to bully face to face.  With cyberbullying a bully can pick on people with much less risk of being caught . . . .

The detachment afforded by cyberspace makes bullies out of people who would never become involved in a real life incident.  The Internet makes bullying more convenient and since the victim’s reaction remains unseen people who wouldn’t normally bully don’t take it as seriously.

Id.

[51]. Hinduja & Patchin, supra note 2, at 2.  See also H.R. 1966, 111th Cong. (2010) (“Congress finds . . . [e]lectronic communications provide anonymity to the perpetrator and the potential for widespread public distribution, potentially making them severely dangerous and cruel to youth.”).

[52]. Formspring, http://www.formspring.me/ (last visited Aug. 29, 2011).  Formspring is a question-and-answer-based social website which allows its users to anonymously set up a profile page, from which anyone can ask them questions.  See generally id.  The questions and their given responses are then published on the user’s profile page, including links to social networking sites such as Facebook and Twitter.  The site’s anonymity has been criticized for generating hateful comments because it allows minors to ask questions and give responses related to sexual experiences and preferences for all the public to see, share, and comment on.  Tamar Lewin, Teenage Insults, Scrawled on Web, Not on Walls, N.Y. Times, May 5, 2010, http://www.nytimes.com/2010/05/06/us
/06formspring.html.

[53]. Hinduja & Patchin, supra note 2, at 4; see also Anti-Defamation League, supra note 10, at 1 (explaining that cyberbullying may be more harmful than traditional bullying because of the invasive and pervasive nature of the communication and because messages are circulated far and wide and there is no refuge¾it is ubiquitous).

[54]. Hardcastle, supra note 50 (“Bullies are natural instigators and in cyberspace bullies can enlist the participation of other students who may be unwilling to bully in the real world.  Kids who stand around doing nothing in a real life bullying incident often become active participants in online harassment.”).

[55]. Students Arrested for Cyber Bullying, supra note 21 (“All of the students involved are honor students.”).

[56]. See, e.g., Long, supra note 1.  The article states:

Unlike the schoolyard bully of yesteryear, the cyberbully can hide behind online anonymity and attack around the clock, invading the privacy of a teen’s home. With young people spending most of their free time online or texting their friends, digital bullies not only have ready access to victims, but also an audience—because without witnesses, virtual bullying loses its punch.

Id.

[57]. Anti-Defamation League, supra note 10, at 1.

[58]. How Is Cyberbullying Different to Other Forms of Bullying?, TeachToday, http://www.teachtoday.eu/en/Teacher-advice/Cyberbullying/How
-is-cyberbullying-different-to-other-forms-of-bullying.aspx (last visited Aug. 29, 2011) (explaining that “bystanders can become perpetrators if they pass on emails or text/picture messages or take part in an online discussion”).

[59]. See, e.g., H.R. 1966, 111th Cong. (2009) (“Congress finds the following: (1) Four out of five of United States children aged 2 to 17 live in a home where either they or their parents access the Internet. (2) Youth who create Internet content and use social networking sites are more likely to be targets of cyberbullying.”).

[60]. Sameer & Patchin, supra note 2 (explaining that parents and teachers may not be able to keep track or even know what to do if cyberbullying is discovered).

[61]. Anti-Defamation League, supra note 10, at 1.

[62]. Rick Rojas, When Students’ Controversial Words Go Viral, What Is the University’s Role?, L.A. Times (Mar. 27, 2011), http://www.latimes.com/news/local/la‑me‑college‑speech‑20110327,0,2970965
.story (reporting on the recent story where a college student posted a YouTube video, in which she complained and mocked Asian students, leading to death threats against her and her subsequent voluntary withdrawal from school).

[63]. See infra Appendix A.

[64]. See infra Appendix A.

[65]. S.B. 2094, 25th Leg. Reg. Sess. (Haw. 2010).

[66]. Matt’s Safe School Law, H.B. 4162, 95th Leg. Reg. Sess. (Mich. 2007); H.B. 4580, 96th Leg. Reg. Sess. (Mich. 2010).

[67]. S. 3739, 111th Cong. (2010).  This proposed bill, if passed, would amend the Safe and Drug-Free Schools and Communities Act to allow federal funding for schools that have bullying prevention programs.  See also Megan Meir Cyberbullying Prevention Act, H.R. 1966, 111th Congress (2009).  This proposed bill, if passed, would make it a federal crime to cyberstalk.

[68]. See infra Appendix A.

[69]. Eighteen states have model school policies, including Alaska, California, Colorado, Delaware, Florida, Iowa, Maine, Michigan, Nebraska, New Jersey, Ohio, Oklahoma, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Vermont, Washington, Wisconsin, and West Virginia.  See infra Appendix A.

[70]. Ariz. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 15-341 (37) (2011); Kan. Stat. Ann. 72-8256 (2009); Mass. Gen. Laws ch. 71, § 37O (2011); Nev. Rev. Stat. § 388.133 (2010); N.H. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 193-F:4 (2011); Or. Rev. Stat. § 339.356 (2010).

[71]. Ala. Code § 16-28B-5 (2011); Alaska Stat. § 14.33.200 (2011); Cal. Educ. Code § 32282 (West 2011); Fla. Stat. § 1006.147 (2010); Ga. Code Ann. § 20-2-751.4 (2011); Idaho Code Ann. § 18-917A (2011); 105 Ill. Comp. Stat. 5/27-23.7 (2010); Ind. Code § 20-33-8-0.2 (2010); Iowa Code § 280.28 (2010); Kan. Stat. Ann. 72-8256 (2009); Md. Code Ann., Educ. § 7-424 (West 2010); Minn. Stat. § 121A.0695 (2010); Miss. Code. Ann. § 37-11-67 (2010); Nev. Rev. Stat. § 388.122 (2010); N.H. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 193-F:4 (2011); N.J. Stat. Ann. § 18A:37-14 (West 2011); N.M. Code R. § 6.12.7 (LexisNexis 2010); N.C. Gen. Stat. § 115C-407.15 (2010); Okla. Stat. tit. 70, § 24-100.4 (2011); Or. Rev. Stat. § 339.351 (2010) (Definitions); 24 Pa. Cons. Stat. § 13-1303.1-A (2010); R.I. Gen. Laws § 16-21-26 (2011); S.C. Code Ann. § 59-63-140 (2010); Va. Code Ann. § 22.1-279.6 (2011); Wash. Rev. Code § 28A.300.285 (2010); Wyo. Stat. Ann. § 21-4-314 (2011).

[72]. Those ten states are California, Delaware, Florida, Iowa, Oklahoma, Nebraska, New Jersey, Rhode Island, South Carolina, and Washington.  See infra Appendix A.

[73]. See supra Part I.A.

[74]. Sample Policy for Bullying Prevention, Cal. Dep’t of Educ., http://www.cde.ca.gov/ls/ss/se/samplepolicy.asp (last updated Oct. 25, 2010).

[75]. Safe Schools Guide: Selected Strategies and Resources, Okla. Dep’t of Educ. (2005), http://www.sde.state.ok.us/Schools/SafeHealthy/pdf
/SafeSchlGuide.pdf; Guidance on Developing Required Policies on Bullying, Rhode Island Dep’t of Educ., http://www.ride.ri.gov/psi/docs/child_family
/substance/bullying%20guidance%20and%20modelpolicy%2011-21-03.pdf (last visited Aug. 29, 2011).

[76]. Colorado Association of School Boards Sample Policy on Bullying Prevention and Education, Center for the Study and Prevention of Violence (2001), http://www.colorado.edu/cspv/safeschools/bullying_casbpolicy.html.

[77]. Delaware’s Model Bully Prevention Policy, Delaware Dep’t of Educ., http://www.doe.k12.de.us/infosuites/students_family/climate/files/Bully%20Prevention%20Policy%20Template.pdf (last visited Aug. 29, 2011); Model Policy Against Bullying and Harassment, Fla. Dep’t of Educ. (July 31, 2008), www.fldoe.org/safeschools/doc/modelpolicy.doc; Anti-Harassment, Anti-Intimidation and Anti-Bullying Policy,  Ohio Dep’t of Educ. Adm’r, http://www.ode.state.oh.us/GD/Templates/Pages/ODE/ODEDetail.aspx?page=3&TopicRelationID=1287&ContentID=29364&Content=109573 (last updated Aug. 4, 2011) (providing a variety of resources including an overview of the Model Policy); South Carolina—Self Control Addressing Bullying in Our Schools: A Bullying Prevention Model, S.C Dep’t of Educ. 31–36, http://www.itv.scetv.org/guides/sc2v2.pdf (last visited Sept. 24, 2011).

[78]. Shelton v. Tucker, 364 U.S. 479, 487 (1960).

[79]. J.S. ex rel. Snyder v. Blue Mountain Sch. Dist., No. 08-4138, 2011 WL 2305973, at *23 (3d Cir. June 13, 2011) (Fisher, J., dissenting) (citations omitted) (quoting Keyishian v. Bd. of Regents, 385 U.S. 589, 603 (1967)).

[80]. Tinker v. Des Moines Indep. Cmty. Sch. Dist., 393 U.S. 503, 506 (1969).

[81]. Bethel Sch. Dist. No. 403 v. Fraser, 478 U.S. 675, 682 (1986).

[82]. See, e.g., Hazelwood Sch. Dist. v. Kuhlmeier, 484 U.S. 260, 266 (1988) (pointing out that students’ First Amendment rights in public schools must be applied in light of the special characteristics of the school’s environment, and that a school does not need to tolerate student speech that is inconsistent with the school’s educational mission—even if the government would not be able to censor similar speech outside the school).

[83]. See e.g., Tinker, 393 U.S. at 506.

[84]. Id.

[85]. Id. at 507 (“[T]he Court has repeatedly emphasized the need for affirming the comprehensive authority of the States and of school officials, consistent with fundamental constitutional safeguards, to prescribe and control conduct in the schools.”).

[86]. See Morse v. Frederick, 551 U.S. 393, 418 (2007) (Thomas, J., concurring) (“I am afraid that our jurisprudence now says that students have a right to speak in schools except when they don’t.”); Tova Wolking, Comment, School Administrators as Cyber Censors: Cyber Speech and First Amendment Rights, 23 Berkeley Tech. L.J. 1507, 1529 (2008) (“The chilling effect of punishing student speech merely because it is unpleasant or disagreeable threatens the foundations of democracy. . . . It follows that discouraging students from engaging in discourse and critical thinking, even if it is juvenile or silly, is antithetical to a healthy democracy.”).

[87]. There are four seminal Supreme Court cases concerning student free speech.  Morse, 551 U.S. at 397 (holding that schools may regulate student speech that promotes illegal drug use and that takes place during a school-sponsored event); Hazelwood, 484 U.S. at 271 (holding that schools can regulate student speech which may be perceived to “bear the imprimatur of the school,” such as a school-sponsored newspaper); Bethel Sch. Dist. No. 403 v. Fraser, 478 U.S. 675, 683 (1986) (holding that lewd, vulgar, or plainly offensive speech that takes place on-campus is punishable); Tinker, 393 U.S. at 513 (holding that schools can regulate speech that “materially disrupts classwork or involves substantial disorder or invasion of the rights of others”).

[88]. Compare J.S. ex rel. Snyder v. Blue Mountain Sch. Dist., 593 F.3d 286 (3d Cir. 2010), rev’d en banc, No. 08–4138, 2011 WL 2305973, at *12 (3d Cir. June 13, 2011) (holding that the school could not discipline a student for speech created off-campus) with Wisniewski v. Bd. of Educ. of the Weedsport Cent. Sch. Dist., 494 F.3d 34, 40 (2d Cir. 2007) (holding that the school can regulate student speech created off-campus where it was reasonably foreseeable that it would reach the school campus).  See also infra Part II.A(1)-(2); David Kravets, Cyberbullying Bill Gets Chilly Reception, Wired.Com (Sept. 30, 2009), http://www.wired.com/threatlevel/2009/09/cyberbullyingbill/?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+wired27b+%28Blog+‑+27B+Stroke+6+%28Threat+Level%29%29.  This article explains how Representative Sanchez proposed legislation, the “Megan Meier Cyberbullying Prevention Act,” which would make cyberbullying a federal offense. Id.  The legislation was criticized as being “unconstitutionally vague” and a “breach of free speech.”  Id.

[89]. Morse, 551 U.S. at 401.

[90]. Although courts do not systematically address these two inquires, as this Part will lay out, a survey of student speech precedent lends itself to this framework.

[91]. See Anti-Defamation League, supra note 10, at 5-6. The authors point out:

As a significant amount of cyberbullying is created on computers, cell phones and other devices that are not owned by the school, or are not located on school property, but still affect the school environment and the welfare of the students, it is important to ensure that schools are given adequate legal framework to address the issue.

Id.

[92]. Tinker, 393 U.S. at 513.  See infra Part II.A(2) (discussing the Tinker standard fully).

[93]. While this Part of the Article analyzes how public schools might have the right to regulate some off-campus speech, other scholars have argued that  “Tinker Stopped Itself at the Schoolhouse Gate.”  Aaron H. Caplan, Public School Discipline for Creating Uncensored Anonymous Internet Forums, 39 Willamette L. Rev. 93, 140 (2003).

[94]. Hazelwood Sch. Dist. v. Kuhlmeier, 484 U.S. 260, 270 (1988) (holding that schools can regulate student speech in school-sponsored newspapers); Bethel Sch. Dist. No. 403 v. Fraser, 478 U.S. 675, 683 (1986) (holding that lewd offensive speech given at a school assembly is punishable).

[95]. Morse, 551 U.S. at 401, 408 (explaining that a student “cannot stand in the midst of his fellow students, during school hours, at a school-sanctioned activity and claim he is not in school” and promote illegal drug use) (internal quotations omitted).

[96]. One scholar argues that Internet-speech cases might be most like underground newspaper cases.  Wolking, supra note 86, at 1516-19.  See also, e.g., Thomas v. Bd. of Educ., 607 F.2d 1043, 1049 (2d Cir. 1979) (holding that schools could not punish students who distributed the newspaper off-campus, and only minimally associated the newspaper to the school by keeping copies in a teacher’s office for storage).

[97]. Compare Doninger v. Niehoff, 527 F.3d 41, 43–44 (2d Cir. 2008) (ruling that the school had authority to take away a student’s right to participate in student government when the student posted online comments that substantially disrupted the school), Wisniewski v. Bd. of Educ., 494 F.3d 34, 40 (2d Cir. 2007) (holding that the school can regulate student speech where it was reasonably foreseeable that it would reach the school campus), J.S. ex rel. H.S. v. Bethlehem Area Sch. Dist., 807 A.2d 847, 869 (Pa. 2002) (finding that the school can regulate speech originating off-campus, but directed at the school), and Killion v. Franklin Reg’l Sch. Dist., 136 F. Supp. 2d 446, 459 (W.D. Pa. 2001) (allowing a school to regulate speech where the school disciplined a student for creating, and sharing with his friends via email, a website which was insulting and degrading to one of the teachers), with Beussink ex rel. Beussink v. Woodland R-IV Sch. Dist., 30 F. Supp. 2d 1175, 1180 (E.D. Mo. 1998) (finding that the decision to discipline a student for off-campus speech was unacceptable because it was based on the principal’s emotional reaction and not any real fear that the speech would cause material disruption), Emmett v. Kent Sch. Dist. No. 415, 92 F. Supp. 2d 1088, 1190 (W.D. Wash. 2000) (holding that because the speech was created off-campus, there was not enough of a connection to the school for the school to have jurisdiction over the speech), and J.C. ex rel. R.C. v. Beverly Hills Unified Sch. Dist., 711 F. Supp. 2d 1094, 1118 (C.D. Cal. 2010) (finding that the student speech originating off-campus did not substantially disrupt school activity and so the school had no authority to punish the student for that speech).

[98]. See, e.g., LaVine v. Blaine Sch. Dist., 257 F.3d 981, 991 (9th Cir. 2000) (finding school discipline constitutional, without any jurisdictional analysis, where the student wrote a violent poem off-campus but showed it to his teacher).

[99]. J.S. ex rel. Snyder v. Blue Mountain Sch. Dist., 593 F.3d 286 (3d Cir. 2010), vacated, rev’d en banc, No. 08–4138, 2011 WL 2305973, at *10 (3d Cir. June 13, 2011) (overturning the district court’s decision that stated Tinker did “not govern this case because no ‘substantial and material disruption’ occurred”).

[100]. See, e.g., Beverly Hills, 711 F. Supp. 2d at 1104 (conducting a jurisdictional analysis despite concluding that in the Ninth Circuit “the substantial weight of authority indicates that geographic boundaries generally carry little weight in the student-speech analysis”).

[101]. See, e.g., Wisniewski, 494 F.3d at 3840 (finding that the Tinker standard applied because it was reasonably foreseeable that the student speech would reach campus and because it did, in fact, reach the school campus).

[102]. See Evans v. Bayer, 684 F. Supp. 2d 1365, 1372 (S.D. Fla. 2010); Beverly Hills, 711 F. Supp. 2d at 1107; Bethlehem, 807 A.2d at 864 (holding that the threshold question is whether there was a sufficient nexus between the speech and the school campus).

[103]. Bethlehem, 807 A.2d at 847 (finding that there was a sufficient nexus between the speech and the school where a student created a website off-campus which was subsequently viewed by students on-campus); see also Wolking, supra note 86 (explaining courts’ decisions regarding off-campus speech).  However, while the intended audience may be a factor in deciding whether or not there was a sufficient nexus, it may not be enough on its own.  See Emmett v. Kent Sch. Dist. No. 415, 92 F. Supp. 2d 1088, 1090 (W.D. Wash. 2000) (“Although the intended audience was undoubtedly connected to Kentlake High School, the speech was entirely outside of the school’s supervision of control.”).

[104]. Killion v. Franklin Reg’l Sch. Dist., 136 F. Supp. 2d 446, 455 (W.D. Pa. 2001) (“Further, because the Bozzuto list was brought on-campus, albeit by an unknown person, Tinker applies.”); see also Bethlehem, 807 A.2d at 865 (holding that “where speech that is aimed at a specific school and/or its personnel is brought into the school campus or accessed at the school by its originator, the speech will be considered on-campus speech.”).

[105]. Evans, 684 F. Supp. 2d at 1375.  In Blue Mountain, Judge Chagares, in his dissent, points out that one factor in deciding a school’s jurisdictional reach is whether the student made the Internet site private or public.  J.S. ex rel. Snyder v. Blue Mountain Sch. Dist., 593 F.3d 286, 300 (3d Cir. 2010) (J. Chagares, dissenting), vacated, reh’g granted en banc, No. 08-4138, 2010 U.S. App. LEXIS 7342 (3d Cir. Apr. 9, 2010), rev’d en banc, No. 08-4138, 2011 WL 2305973 (3d Cir. June 13, 2011).

[106]. Some courts have looked at both whether it was “foreseeable” that the speech would reach campus and whether there was a “sufficient nexus.”  For example, after considering the many various rulings concerning student off-campus speech, the court in Beverly Hills analyzed both whether the conduct was foreseeable and whether there was a substantial nexus between the speech and the school.  Beverly Hills, 711 F. Supp. 2d at 1108.

[107]. Compare Flaherty v. Keystone Oaks Sch. Dist., 247 F. Supp. 2d 698, 705–06 (W.D. Pa. 2003) (holding school policy constitutionally overbroad where there were no “geographical limitations”), with Layshock, 496 F. Supp. 2d at 605 (upholding constitutionality of school policy over overbroad claim because policy set forth “geographical limitations”).

[108]. See infra Appendix B (setting forth a proposed Model Cyberbullying Policy for Public Schools).

[109]. Hazelwood Sch. Dist. v. Kuhlmeier, 484 U.S. 260, 271 (1988) (allowing the school to delete school newspaper articles discussing teen pregnancy and divorce from school-sponsored newspaper).

[110]. See Watts v. United States, 394 U.S. 705, 707-08 (1969) (holding that a “true threat” is not protected by the First Amendment); see also Wisniewski v. Bd. of Educ., 494 F.3d 34, 38 (2d Cir. 2007) (stating that schools have broader authority over student speech than allowed by the “true threats” standard in Watts).

[111]. Lovell ex rel. Lovell v. Poway Unified Sch. Dist., 90 F.3d 367, 372 (9th Cir. 1996).

[112]. See, e.g., LaVine v. Blaine Sch. Dist., 257 F.3d 981, 989 (9th Cir. 2000) (upholding, under the Tinker standard, the school’s emergency expulsion of a student who showed a teacher a poem, which the student had written while at home, that described the graphic killing of the student’s classmates).

[113]. It could be argued that under Fraser a school might have a third category of speech it can wholly regulate, namely lewd, vulgar, or plainly offensive speech.  In Fraser, a student gave an “elaborate, graphic, and explicit sexual metaphor” in a speech he gave at a school assembly.  Bethel Sch. Dist. No. 403 v. Fraser, 478 U.S. 675, 675 (1986).  The Court held that, as part of a school’s duty to teach “the essential lessons of civil, mature conduct,” the school could discipline the student.  Id. at 683.  In later interpreting Fraser, the Court, however, seems to limit its holding to speech that occurs only on-campus.  See Hazelwood, 484 U.S. at 266–67 (noting that under Fraser “the government could not censor similar speech outside the school”) (emphasis added); J.S. ex rel. Snyder v. Blue Mountain Sch. Dist., No. 08-4138, 2011 WL 2305973, at *12 (3d Cir. June 13, 2011) (en banc) (“Fraser’s ‘lewdness’ standard cannot be extended to justify a school’s punishment of J.S. for use of profane language outside the school, during non-school hours.”); Saxe v. State College Area Sch. Dist., 240 F.3d 200, 213 (3d. Cir. 2001) (“According to Fraser, then, there is no First Amendment Protection for . . . plainly offensive speech in school.”) (emphasis added).

[114]. Tinker v. Des Moines Indep. Cmty. Sch. Dist., 393 U.S. 503, 514 (1969).

[115]. Id. at 509.

[116]. Id. at 513.  Many courts that have analyzed the issue of off-campus student speech have applied the Tinker “material disruption” standard.  See, e.g., J.C. v. Beverly Hills Unified Sch. Dist., 711 F. Supp. 2d 1094, 1110 (C.D. Cal. 2010); Killion v. Franklin Reg’l Sch. Dist., 136 F. Supp. 2d 446, 455 (W.D. Pa. 2001); Beussink ex rel. Beussink v. Woodland R-IV Sch. Dist., 30 F. Supp. 2d 1175, 1178 (E.D. Mo. 1998)Often courts have taken the phrase “in class or out of it,” to mean that Tinker gave schools the right to regulate off-campus speech.  Beverly Hills, 711 F. Supp. 2d at 1103.  Note that the Third Circuit has left open the issue of whether Tinker should apply to off-campus speech at all.  See Blue Mountain, 2011 WL 2305973, at *7 (“The Supreme Court established a basic framework for assessing student free speech claims in Tinker, and we will assume, without deciding, that Tinker applies to J.S.’s speech in this case.”) (emphasis added).  In Blue Mountain, the concurrence observed:

I write separately to address a question that the majority opinion expressly leaves open: whether Tinker applies to off-campus speech in the first place. I would hold that it does not, and that the First Amendment protects students engaging in off-campus speech to the same extent it protects speech by citizens in the community at large.

Id. at *16 (Smith, J., concurring).

However, as set forth in this Part of the Article, except for the concurrence in Blue Mountain, scholars and other courts have collectively assumed, as did the majority in Blue Mountain, that the Tinker standard applies to all public school student speech whether originating on- or off-campus.  In addressing Blue Mountain, and a similar en banc Third Circuit case, Judge Jordan explains:

Our Court today issues en banc decisions in two cases with similar fact patterns. In both the case presently before us and in J.S. v. Blue Mountain School District . . . we are asked whether school administrators can, consistent with the First Amendment, discipline students for speech that occurs off campus. Unlike the fractured decision in J.S., we have reached a united resolution in this case, but there remains an issue of high importance on which we are evidently not agreed and which I note now, lest there be any misperception that it has been resolved by either J.S. or our decision here. The issue is whether the Supreme Court’s decision in [Tinker] can be applicable to off-campus speech. I believe it can, and no ruling coming out today is to the contrary.

Layshock v. Hermitage Sch. Dist., No. 07–4465, 2011 WL 2305970, at *12 (3d Cir. June 13, 2011) (en banc) (Jordan, J., concurring) (footnote omitted).

[117]. Furthermore, schools do not have to wait until the disruption has occurred.  Schools can proactively regulate student speech that “might reasonably [lead] school authorities to forecast substantial disruption of or material interference with school activities.”  Tinker, 393 U.S. at 514.  See, e.g., Saxe, 240 F.3d at 212 (explaining that if students in the past flew a Confederate flag causing material disruption, it would be reasonable for the school to believe there would be a material disruption if the Confederate flag was again displayed).

[118]. See infra Appendix B.

[119]. For example, in both Layshock and Bethlehem the issues revolved around whether a material disruption was caused by a fake MySpace profile of school officials.  Although both cases applied the “material disruption” Tinker standard, they came to opposite holdings.  Compare Layshock, 2011 WL 2305970, at *1, with J.S. ex rel. H.S. v. Bethlehem Area Sch. Dist., 807 A.2d 847, 868 (Pa. 2002).

[120]. See Doninger v. Niehoff, 527 F.3d 41, 50 (2d Cir. 2008) (holding that two administrators were disrupted when called away from scheduled meetings and school activities to deal with the influx of phone calls from the community that were in response to a student’s blog post).  But see Beverly Hills, 711 F. Supp. 2d at 1117 (stating that an administrator who was charged with student discipline was not disrupted from her regular activities when dealing with the consequences of a student video posting on YouTube).

[121]. Killion, 136 F. Supp. 2d at 456 (“We cannot accept, without more, that the childish and boorish antics of a minor could impair the administrators abilities to discipline students and maintain control.”).  See also Blue Mountain, 2011 WL 2305973, at *10 (finding no substantial disruption occurred where “beyond general rumblings” there was only “a few minutes of talking in class, and some officials rearrang[ed] their schedules . . . in dealing with the [fake, vulgar MySpace] profile [of the school principal]”).

[122]. In Emmett, the court reasoned that the suspension of a student who had created a derogatory comment about a teacher was improper in part because the speech did not contain any threats.  Emmett v. Kent Sch. Dist. No. 415, 92 F. Supp. 2d 1088, 1090 (W.D. Wash. 2000).

[123]. Blue Mountain, 2011 WL 2305973, at *10.  In this case, the court noted many cases where courts have held that a forecast of substantial and material disruption was reasonable.  Id.  See, e.g.,  Doninger v. Niehoff, 527 F.3d 41, 50–51 (2d Cir. 2008) (holding that punishment was justified, under Tinker, where a student’s derogatory blog about the school was “purposely designed by [the student]” to “encourage others to contact the administration,” and where the blog contained “at best misleading and at worst false information” that the school “need[ed] to correct”); Lowery v. Euverard, 497 F.3d 584, 596 (6th Cir. 2007) (holding that punishment was justified, under Tinker, where students circulated a petition to fellow football players calling for the ouster of their football coach, causing the school to have to call a team meeting to ensure “team unity,” and where not doing so “would have been a grave disservice to the other players on the team”); LaVine v. Blaine Sch. Dist., 257 F.3d 981, 989–90 (9th Cir. 2000) (holding that the school district did not violate a student’s First Amendment rights when it expelled him on an emergency basis in order to prevent “potential violence on campus” after the student showed a poem entitled “Last Words” to his English teacher, which was “filled with imagery of violent death and suicide” and could “be interpreted as a portent of future violence, of the shooting of  . . .  fellow students”).

[124]. Recent cases show a trend of finding that hurtful speech can cause a material disruption.  For example, in Emmett, the student speech was artistic in nature: the website was created as a satire of the school’s homepage and on it were ironic mock obituaries of the student’s friends.  Emmett, 92 F. Supp. 2d at 1090.  The court, noting that the student speech was much closer to political satire than violent threats, did not allow the school to discipline the student.  Id.  Contrastingly, in Wisniewski, the court noted that the student speech was not a sophisticated satire of school administrators but merely a violent depiction of the death of a teacher on a student’s icon for instant messaging.  Accordingly, the court found that the speech was threatening and violent and posed a real threat of material disruption to the school.  Wisniewski v. Bd. of Educ., 494 F.3d 34, 35–39 (2d Cir. 2007).  These two cases illustrate that courts are more likely to find that a student’s speech is not subject to school discipline if it is political or artistic in nature.  See also Bethlehem, 807 A.2d at 86566 (distinguishing bullying speech with the type of political speech addressed by Tinker).

[125]. Hinduja & Patchin, supra note 2.

[126]. The court in Beverly Hills stated:

[L]ower [c]ourts have not often applied the ‘rights of other’ prong from Tinker . . . the Court is not aware of any authority . . . that extends the Tinker rights of others prong so far as to hold that a school may regulate any speech that may cause some emotional harm to a student.  This Court declines to be the first.

J.C. ex rel. R.C. v. Beverly Hills Unified Sch. Dist., 711 F. Supp. 2d 1094, 1122–23 (C.D. Cal. 2010).  However, the Third Circuit has suggested that the Tinker right-of-others prong could be used to justify a school’s antiharassment policy.  Saxe v. State Coll. Area Sch. Dist., 240 F.3d 200, 217 (3d. Cir. 2001) (noting that while the precise scope of the rights-of-others prong is unclear, it might be applicable to a school’s defense of its policy).  The Eighth Circuit, however, has chosen only to apply the second prong of Tinker in cases where the student conduct could “result in tort liability.”  Bystrom ex rel. Bystrom v. Fridley High Sch., 822 F.2d 747, 752 (8th Cir. 1987).

[127]. See infra Appendix B.

[128]. See, e.g., Layshock v. Hermitage Sch. Dist., 496 F. Supp. 2d 587, 60406 (W.D. Pa. 2006) (cyberbullying case where plaintiff challenged school’s discipline of a student on grounds that the school policy was vague).

[129]. Sypniewski v. Warren Hills Reg’l Bd. of Educ., 307 F.3d 243, 266 (3d Cir. 2002) (internal quotation marks omitted).

[130]. Id. at 266 (citing Reno v. ACLU, 521 U.S. 844, 87172 (1997)).

[131]. Bethel Sch. Dist. No. 403 v. Fraser, 478 U.S. 675, 686 (1986).

[132]. See, e.g., Sypniewski, 307 F.3d at 26165 (finding that the school harassment policy was not overbroad except for the section which allowed for punishing students acting with “ill will,” where the term “ill will” was not defined); Saxe v. State Coll. Area Sch. Dist., 240 F.3d 200, 21517 (3d. Cir. 2001) (finding discipline stemming from school policy unconstitutional because policy’s terms were overbroad and vague); Killion v. Franklin Reg’l Sch. Dist., 136 F. Supp. 2d 446, 458–59 (W.D. Pa. 2001) (holding that because the policy did not contain a definition of “abuse” and because it did not provide further specifications or limitations, it was overbroad).

[133]. See infra Appendix B.

[134]. See Watts v. United States, 394 U.S. 705, 707–08 (1969).

[135]. Tinker v. Des Moines Indep. Cmty. Sch. Dist., 393 U.S. 503, 513 (1969).

[136]. Id. at 509.

[137]. Anti-Bullying/Anti-Harassment Policies, Iowa Dep’t of Educ., http://educateiowa.gov/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1154:anti-bullyinganti-harassment-policies&catid=411:legal-lessons&Itemid=2656 (last visited Aug. 29, 2011).

[138]. Id.

[139]. Id.  Policies enacted in Iowa, Maine, and Vermont, as well as Michigan’s pending policy, have similar language in their model policies.  Maine School Management Association Sample Policy, Me. Dep’t of Educ., http://www.maine.gov/education/management.htm (last visited Aug. 29, 2011); Model Bullying Prevention Plan, Vt. Dep’t of Educ. http://education.vermont.gov/new/pdfdoc/pgm_safeschools/pubs/bullying_prevention_04.pdf (last visited Aug. 29, 2011); Model Anti-Bullying Act, Mich. State Bd. of Educ., http://www.michigan.gov/documents/mde/SBE_Model
_AntiBullying_Policy_Revised_9.8_172355_7.pdf (last visited Aug. 29, 2011).

[140]. Anti-Defamation League, supra note 10, at 1112; Model Policy Against Bullying and Harassment, Fla. Dep’t of Educ., 8 (July 31, 2008), www.fldoe.org/safeschools/doc/modelpolicy.doc.

[141]. Romer v. Evans, 517 U.S. 620, 628 (1996).

[142]. See, e.g., Latest Hate Crime Statistics, FBI (Nov. 22, 2010), http://www.fbi.gov/news/stories/2010/november/hate_112210/hate_112210 (listing statistics for specific groups covered by hate crime laws).

[143]. See, e.g., Safe Schools Improvement Act of 2010, S. 3739, 111th Cong., § 2(g)(1) (2010); Anti-Defamation League, supra note 10, at 11 (setting forth a model bullying statute prohibiting bullying based on enumerated grounds); Model Policy Against Bullying and Harassment, supra note 140, at 2 (stating that school districts may add “additional specific categories of students to which bullying and harassment is prohibited in excess of what is listed” such as sex, race, color, religion, national origin, age, disability, etc.).

[144]. Harris Interactive, From Teasing to Torment: School Climate in America 9 (2005), available at http://www.glsen.org/binary-data/GLSEN
_ATTACHMENTS/file/499-1.pdf.

[145]. For example, the cyberbullying policy can simply state that students are prohibited from cyberbullying other students “including, but not limited to [list enumerated categories].” Anti-Defamation League, supra note 10, at 11 (emphasis added).

[146]. J.C. v. Beverly Hills Unified Sch. Dist., No. CV 08-3824 SVW, at *14 (C.D. Cal. 2009), available at www.lawyersusaonline.com/wp-files/pdfs/jc-v-beverly-hills.pdf (order granting plaintiff’s summary adjudication motion on third cause of action).  In Beverly Hills, a case extensively cited in Part II.A supra, the published portion of the court’s opinion only ruled on the first two causes of action concerning the First Amendment issue and qualified immunity.  J.C. ex rel. R.C. v. Beverly Hills Unified Sch. Dist., 711 F. Supp. 2d 1094, 1097 (C.D. Cal. 2010) (“An order regarding Plaintiff’s due process claim, the Third Cause of Action, will follow shortly.”).  For plaintiff’s third cause of action, that the school cyberbullying policy violated due process, the court wrote a separate, unpublished order.  See J.C. v. Beverly Hills Unified Sch. Dist., No. CV 08-3824 SVW, at *14 (C.D. Cal. 2009), available at www.lawyersusaonline.com/wp
-files/pdfs/jc-v-beverly-hills.pdf
.

[147]. J.C. ex rel. R.C. v. Beverly Hills Unified Sch. Dist., No. CV 08-3824 SVW, at *14 (C.D. Cal. 2009), available at www.lawyersusaonline.com/wp
-files/pdfs/jc-v-beverly-hills.pdf.

[148]. For example, New Hampshire’s bullying prevention statute allows for the school to take action if bullying or cyberbullying “[o]ccurs off of school property or outside of a school-sponsored activity or event, if the conduct interferes with a pupil’s educational opportunities or substantially disrupts the orderly operations of the school or school-sponsored activity or event.”  N.H. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 193-F:4 (2011).  See also Anti-Defamation League, supra note 10, at 13 (adopting similar language).

[149]. Darryn Cathryn Beckstrom, State Legislation Mandating School Cyberbullying Policies and the Potential Threat to Students’ Free Speech Rights, 33 Vt. L. Rev. 283, 315 (2008).

[150]. Model Policy Against Bullying and Harassment, supra note 140, at 8 (also suggesting that posters, signs, or other reminders of the policy be displayed around the school and on the school’s buses).  The Anti-Defamation League maintains that the cyberbullying policy should be broadly publicized throughout the school, and given to the students’ parents via the conduct code, student handbook on school bulletin boards, and on the school website.  See Anti-Defamation League, supra note 10, at 7 (explaining that this “notice will send a message to students, teachers, and parents that the school is taking this issue seriously and does not accept inappropriate conduct”).

[151]. The Anti-Defamation League drafted a model acceptable use policy, adapted from a U.S. Department of Justice model policy.  See Anti-Defamation League, supra note 10, at 2122.  Scholars also suggest that schools display signs or posters in the school’s computer lab, to remind students of the acceptable “use policy.”  Sameer Hinduja & Justin W. Patchin, Preventing Cyberbullying: Top Ten Tips for Educators, Cyberbullying Research Center (2009), www.cyberbullying.us/Top_Ten_Tips_Educators_Cyberbullying_Prevention.pdf (recommending that a “use policy” be drafted in contract form).

[152]. Conn. Gen. Stat. § 10-222d (2010); Del. Code Ann. tit. 14, § 4112D (b)(2)(j) (2011); Fla. Stat. § 1006.147 (2010); Ga. Code Ann. § 20-2-751.4 (2011); Mass. Gen. Laws ch. 71 § 37O(d)(viii) (2011); N.H. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 193-F:4 (2011); N.Y. Educ. Law § 2801-a (McKinney 2009); Ohio Rev. Code Ann. § 3313.666 (West 2011); Tex. Educ. Code Ann. § 37.001(a)(6) (West 2009); Utah Code Ann. 1953 § 53A-11a-301 (West 2011); W. Va. Code Ann. § 18-2C-3 (2011).

[153]. W. Va. Code Ann. § 18-2C-3(b)(5) (2011).

[154]. See, e.g., Sameer Hinduja & Justin W. Patchin, Sexting: A Brief Guide for Educators and Parents, Cyberbullying Research Center, 3 (2010), http://www.cyberbullying.us/Sexting_Fact_Sheet.pdf [hereinafter Sexting].

[155]. Cal. Sch. Bd. Ass’n, Cyberbullying: Policy Considerations for Boards, Governance and Policy Services: Policy Briefs, 5 (July 2007), www.csba.org/Services/Services/PolicyServices/~/media/Files/Services/PolicyServices/SamplePolicies/Cyberbullying.ashx.

[156]. U.S. Const. amend. IV; New Jersey v. T.L.O, 469 U.S. 325, 333 (1985) (holding that the Fourth Amendment’s “prohibition on unreasonable searches and seizures applies to searches conducted by public school officials”).

[157]. See supra Part I.B.  None of the states with model bullying policies address the scope of reasonable searches.  See infra Appendix A.  Indeed, state legislatures are unclear how the Fourth Amendment applies to reported cyberbullying incidents.  For example, in November 2010, a member of the Virginia House of Delegates asked the Attorney General of Virginia to look at the question of whether school officials may search students’ cellular phones and laptops when a student reports another student is violating the school’s bullying policy.  Advisory Op., No 10-105, 2010 WL 4909931, at *2 (Va. Att’y Gen. Nov. 24, 2010) (“[r]ecognizing that no court has considered the matter”).

[158]. New Jersey v. T.L.O., 469 U.S. 325 (1985).

[159]. Id. at 328.

[160]. Id.

[161]. Id.

[162]. Id. at 329.

[163]. Id. at 338.

[164]. Id. at 339.  In determining a balance between the two interests, the Supreme Court stated that “[i]t is evident that the school setting requires some easing of restrictions to which searches by public authorities are ordinarily subject.  The warrant requirement, in particular, is unsuited to the school environment . . . [as it would] unduly interfere with the maintenance of the swift and informal disciplinary procedures needed in the school.”  Id. at 340.

[165]. Id. at 341.

[166]. Id. at 342.  Note that the Court declined to rule on whether “individualized suspicion is an essential element of the reasonableness standard . . . adopt[ed] for searches by school authorities.”  Id. at 342 n.8.

[167]. Id. at 342.  The Court explained that the reasonableness standard saves teachers and administrators from being responsible for understanding the legal definition and “niceties” of probable cause while also ensuring that the students’ right to privacy is not invaded any further than is necessary.  Id. at 343.

[168]. Id. at 347.

[169]. Id. at 34142.

[170]. Klump v. Nazareth Area Sch. Dist., 425 F. Supp. 2d 622, 627 (E.D. Penn. 2006).

[171]. Id. at 630.

[172]. Id.

[173]. Id.

[174]. Id. at 631.

[175]. Id. at 64546.

[176]. Id. at 64041.

[177]. Id. at 640.

[178]. Id.

[179]. J.W. v. Desoto Cnty. Sch. Dist., No. 2:09-cv-00155-MPM-DAS, 2010 WL 4394059, at *1-2 (N.D. Miss. 2010).

[180]. Id. at *1.

[181]. Id.

[182]. Id.

[183]. Id.

[184]. Id. at *2.

[185]. Id. at *4.

[186]. Id.

[187]. Id.

[188]. Id. at *5.

[189]. Id.

[190]. Klump vs. Nazareth Area Sch. Dist. 425 F. Supp. 2d 622, 630 (E.D. Penn. 2006).

[191]. Desoto, 2010 WL 4394059, at *5.

[192]. See, e.g., infra Appendix B.

[193]. Schools may be concerned that a search conducted by a school resource officer, a police officer trained in the Fourth Amendment and employed by the city on assignment to the school, may be governed by a heightened probable-cause standard. However, one court has held that the reasonable suspicion standard that applies to school officials also applies to the school resource officer.  See In re William V, 4 Cal. Rptr. 3d 695, 699 (Cal. Ct. App. 2003).  In William, the court reasoned that the balance of the importance of the educational environment with the privacy interest of the students determined in T.L.O. is the same whether the search is being done by a school official or a school resource officer.  IdBut see Advisory Op., No 10-105, 2010 WL 4909931, at *3 n.15 (Va. Att’y Gen. Nov. 24, 2010) (“It should be noted that, if the search is being conducted by a school security officer, it may be governed by the heightened probable-cause standard.”).

[194]. Klump, 425 F. Supp. 2d at 640.

[195]. In Desoto, the school official was allowed to search a cell phone the student had used while on-campus, whereas in Klump mere possession (not use) of a cell phone, in violation of school rules, would only allow seizure and not a search.  Compare Desoto, 2010 WL 4394059, at *5, with Klump, 425 F. Supp. 2d at 640.

[196]. If the victim or student reporting the bullying is willing, schools should initiate an interview to determine the nature of the bullying, the name of the participants, the location and the manner in which the information is being sent, and the distance that the images or messages have spread.  See Nancy Willard, Educator’s Guide to Cyberbullying, Cyberthreats & Sexting, Ctr. for Safe and Responsible Use of the Internet, 9 (2005), http://www.cyberbully.org/cyberbully/documents/educatorsguide.pdf.  Policies should mandate all evidence be preserved.  Id. at 8.  This requires that any messages received by the victim (cell phone text messages and voicemails) should not be deleted, emails should be saved and printed, and posts should be printed before removal is requested.  Id.  Additionally, any information found through the school district’s investigation should be saved and documented.  Id.  One state’s department of education has endorsed a policy that requires perpetrators, victims, witnesses, teachers, and staff members to be interviewed.  Policy for Prohibiting Bullying, Harassment and Intimidation, Ga. Dep’t of Educ., 6 (Sept. 9, 2010), http://www.toombs.k12.ga.us/system/policies/bullying
_policy.pdf (last updated Mar. 31, 2011).

[197]. New Jersey v. T.L.O, 469 U.S. 325, 341 (1985).

[198]. Id. at 343.

[199]. See, e.g., Sexting, supra note 154, at 3.

[200]. Klump, 425 F. Supp. 2d at 640.

[201]. Sexting, supra note 154, at 1.

[202]. Id.  The study explains:

[T]he National Campaign to Prevent Teen and Unplanned Pregnancy released data from late September and early October of 2008 which identified that 19% of teens (aged 13 to 19) had sent a sexually-suggestive picture or video of themselves to someone via email, cell phone, or through another form of online interaction, while 31% had received a nude or semi-nude picture from someone else.

Id.

[203]. See, e.g., Jan Hoffman, A Girl’s Nude Photo, and Altered Lives, N.Y. Times, Mar. 26, 2011, http://www.nytimes.com/2011/03/27/us/27sexting.html?_r
=1&partner=rss&emc=rss&pagewanted=all (explaining how a middle school girl sent a nude photo of herself to another middle school student, a soon-to-be ex-boyfriend, who then forwarded it to another young girl, who then forwarded the photo to all contacts in her cell phone).  The article explains: “In less than 24 hours, the effect was as if Margarite, 14, had sauntered naked down the hallways of the four middle schools [in her town] . . . .  Hundreds, possibly thousands, of students had received her photo and forwarded it.  Id.

[204]. See, e.g., id.  The county prosecutor decided against charging Margarite, the middle-school girl who had sexted a nude photo of herself to a classmate.  Id.  But the prosecutor did “charge three students with dissemination of child pornography, a Class C felony, because they had set off the viral outbreak” by forwarding the nude photo to others.  IdSee also A.H. v. State, 949 So. 2d 234, 235 (Fla. Ct. App. 2007).  In A.H., a sixteen-year-old girl was criminally prosecuted for sending nude pictures of herself to her seventeen-year-old boyfriend.  Id.  The boy was also criminally charged with producing, directing, and promoting child pornography.  Id.  See also Riva Richmond, Sexting May Place Teens at Legal Risk, N.Y. Times (Mar. 26, 2009, 12:00 PM), http://gadgetwise.blogs.nytimes.com/2009/03/26/sexting‑may‑place‑teens‑at‑legal-risk/.

[205]. See, e.g., 18 U.S.C.A. § 2252A (West 2010) (prohibiting under federal criminal law the distribution of child pornography with no exception for school officials investigating sexting or cyberbullying).

[206]. Sexting, supra note 154, at 3.

[207]. Joe Elias & Daniel Victor, Sequenita High School Officials Being Investigated for Handling of Images in ‘Sexting’ Case, The Patriot News (Apr. 15, 2010), http://www.pennlive.com/midstate/index.ssf/2010/04/susquenita_high
_school_officia.html.

[208]. Am. Civ. Liberties Union of Pa., ACLU of PA Sues School District for Illegally Searching Student’s Cell Phone: School Turned Over Girl’s Private Nude Photos to Law Enforcement (May 20, 2010), http://www.aclupa.org
/pressroom/acluofpasuesschooldistrict.htm.

[209]. Id.

[210]. Id.

[211]. Id.

[212]. Id.

[213]. See, e.g., Beard v. Whitmore Lake Sch. Dist., 402 F. 3d 598, 603 (6th Cir. 2005) (holding students’ constitutional rights were violated after school officials strip searched students to search for stolen money).  The court explained: “Students . . . have a significant privacy interest in their unclothed bodies.”  Id. at 604.

[214]. Sexting, supra note 154, at 3 (“[I]t should be made very clear that administrators and educators should never forward, copy, transmit, download . . . or show any non-law enforcement personnel any evidence collected from [a] personal digital device . . . after the initial discovery . . . at any other time during the investigation.”).

[215]. See infra Appendix B.

[216]. See, e.g., Anti-Defamation League, supra note 10, at 4-7.  Although this is a model statute for state legislatures to enact, instead of a cyberbullying policy for schools to adopt, this model statute gives guidance because it suggests that school bullying policies should address reporting, remedies, and education.  Id.

[217]. See supra Parts II.A–C.

[218]. See supra Part II.B.

[219]. See, e.g., N.J. Stat. Ann. § 18A:37-15(b)(5) (West 2011) (requiring schools to have a bullying policy with “a procedure for reporting an act of harassment, intimidation or bullying”).

[220]. See Anti-Defamation League, supra note 10, at 14, § B(3)(b)(ii); Lisa Madigan, Cyberbullying: A Student Perspective, 8 http://www.illinoisattorneygeneral.gov/children/cyberbullying_focus_report0610.pdf  (last visited Aug. 29, 2011); Susan P. Limber & Marlene Snyder, What Works—and Doesn’t Work—in Bullying Prevention and Intervention, The State Educ. Standard 24, 27 (July 2006), http://www.yaleruddcenter.org/resources
/upload/docs/what/bias/NASBEbullyingarticle.pdf.

[221]. Dianne L. Hoff & Sidney N. Mitchell, Cyberbullying: Causes, Effects, and Remedies, 47 J. Educ. Admin. 652, 663 (2009).

[222]. Madigan, supra note 220, at 9.

[223]. See, e.g., N.J. Stat. Ann. § 18A:37-15(b)(5) (West 2011) (allowing “a person to report an act of harassment, intimidation or bullying anonymously”).

[224]. See id. (prohibiting “formal disciplinary action solely on the basis of an anonymous report”).

[225]. As set forth in Part II.C, a school official must have “reasonable grounds” based on a specific fact inquiry before conducting a search of a student’s personal property.  New Jersey v. T.L.O, 469 U.S. 325, 342 (1985).  It is doubtful that anonymous reports alone would satisfy this requirement since school officials would be unable to determine the credibility of the reports.

[226]. See, e.g., Utah Code Ann. § 53A-11a-301(2)(e) (West 2011) (requiring schools to have “procedures for promptly reporting to law enforcement all acts of bullying, hazing, or retaliation that constitute criminal activity”); see also Cyberbullying: Policy Considerations for Boards, supra note 155, at 5 (“[California school] responses might include . . . contacting law enforcement if the behavior involves [a possible crime].  The student perpetrator and his or her parents should be informed of the potential consequences to which they may be subjected, including potential civil law liabilities.”).

[227]. See, e.g., Megan Meir Cyberbullying Prevention Act, H.R. 1966, 111th Cong. (2009) (proposing that “whoever . . . use[s] electronic means to support severe, repeated, and hostile behavior, shall be fined under this title or imprisoned not more than two years, or both); S.B. 2094, S. 25th Leg., Reg. Sess. (Haw. 2010) (“If any child of school age engages in bullying or cyberbullying, the child, and the father, mother, or legal guardian, shall be fined not more than $100 for each separate offense.”); Jared’s Law, H.B. 750, 58th Leg., Reg. Sess. (Idaho 2006) (“A student who personally violates any provision of this section shall be guilty of an infraction.”).

[228]. Cyberbullying: Policy Considerations for Boards, supra note 155, at 5 (“Existing school rules pertaining to student discipline may be used in the event that a student is found to have engaged in cyberbullying, or the district may decide that other actions are needed on a case-by-case basis.”).

[229]. See, e.g., Ga. Code Ann. § 20-2-751.5(d) (2011) (“[I]t is preferable to reassign disruptive students to alternative educational settings rather than to suspend or expel such students from school.”).

[230]. See, e.g., Kan. Stat. Ann. 72-8205(e)(1) (2011) (“The board may transact all school district business and adopt policies that the board deems appropriate to perform its constitutional duty to maintain, develop and operate local public schools.”).

[231]. Wisniewski ex rel. Wisniewski v. Bd. of Educ., 494 F.3d 34, 40 (2d Cir. 2007) (citing Wood v. Strickland, 420 U.S. 308, 326 (1975)) (recognizing that it is not the place of federal courts to set aside school administrators’ decisions on such matters as the extent of a student’s punishment, but not directly ruling on whether the extent of the punishment was constitutional).  But see Doninger v. Niehoff, 527 F.3d 41, 53 (2d Cir. 2008) (suggesting that if the student’s punishment had been more extreme than prohibiting her participation in student council, that punishment may have been in violation of her constitutional rights).

[232]. See, e.g., O.Z. ex rel. v. Bd. of Trs. of the Long Beach Unified Sch. Dist., 2008 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 110409, at *17 (C.D. Cal. Sept. 9, 2008) (holding that a school has an interest in being able to transfer a student who has shown violent tendencies toward a teacher).

[233]. Wisniewski, 494 F.3d at 40 (alteration in original) (quoting Strickland, 420 U.S. at 326).

[234]. RI Task Force Takes on Cyberbullying, Sexting, Boston Globe (Mar. 15, 2011), http://www.boston.com/news/local/rhode_island/articles/2011/03/15/ri
_task_force_readies_new_policy_for_cyberbullying/ (“One proposal from the task force would create a statewide education policy on cyberbullying for schools . . . A single, statewide policy would help teachers know what to do when they hear a student is being bullied . . . .”).

[235]. Lorraine Adams & Dale Russakoff, Dissecting Columbine’s Cult of the Athlete, Washington Post, June 12, 1999, http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp
-srv/national/daily/june99/columbine12.htm (explaining schools should not give the appearance that popular student athletes receive special treatment because of their abilities or social status).

[236]. See, e.g., Doninger, 527 F.3d at 54; J.S. ex rel. H.S. v. Bethlehem Area Sch. Dist., 807 A.2d 847, 868 (Pa. 2002); O.Z., 2008 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 110409, at *13; Cyberbullying: Policy Considerations for Boards, supra note 155, at 5 (authorizing the suspension or expulsion of a student who engages in harassment or bullying by electronic means).

[237]. See Todd D. Erb, Comment, A Case for Strengthening School District Jurisdiction to Punish Off-Campus Incidents of Cyberbullying, 40 Ariz. St. L.J. 257, 275 (2008).

[238]. See, e.g., N.J. Stat. Ann. § 18A:37-15(b)(9) (West 2011) (allowing for “consequences and appropriate remedial action for a person found to have falsely accused another as a means of retaliation or as a means of harassment, intimidation or bullying”); Model Policy Against Bullying and Harassment, supra note 140, at 1 (explaining that a school policy against bullying and harassment should include a statement that “bullying” and “harassment” include “[r]etaliation against a student or school employee by another student or school employee for asserting or alleging an act of bullying or harassment” and also that “[r]eporting an act of bullying or harassment that is not made in good faith is considered retaliation”).

[239]. See Model Policy Against Bullying and Harassment, supra note 140, at 2–3; see also Limber & Snyder, supra note 220, at 24, 27 (explaining how one antibullying program recommends that schools adopt four straight-forward rules about bullying: “we will not bully others; we will try to help students who are bullied; we will make it a point to include students who are easily left out; if we know someone is being bullied, we will tell an adult at school and an adult at home”).

[240]. Limber & Snyder, supra note 220, at 27.

[241]. See, e.g., Fla. Stat. § 1006.147 (4)(j) (2008) (requiring school bullying policies provide “a procedure to refer victims and perpetrators of bullying or harassment for counseling”); Cyberbullying: Policy Considerations for Boards, supra note 155, at 5 (“[T]he district should consider ways it can provide support to the victim through counseling or referral to mental health services.”).

[242]. See, e.g., Santa Barbara School Districts Board Policy, 4, http://www.sbsdk12.org/board/policies/5000/BP5131.pdf (last updated Dec. 14, 2010) (“If the [cyberbully] is using a social networking site or service that has terms of use that prohibit posting of harmful material, the Superintendent or designee also may file a complaint with the Internet site or service to have the material removed.”).

[243]. Model Policy Against Bullying and Harassment, supra note 140, at 8.

[244]. Fla. Stat. § 1006.147(4)(l) (2010) (requiring “a procedure for providing instruction to students, parents, teachers, school administrators, counseling staff, and school volunteers on identifying, preventing, and responding to bullying or harassment”).

[245]. The Model Cyberbullying Policy in Appendix B of this Article gives an example of an educational program.  Like Florida, Illinois also requires schools to implement antibullying training.  105 Ill. Comp. Stat. 5/27-13.3 (2010).  Although Illinois does not provide a model cyberbullying policy, the Illinois Attorney General’s Office has prepared a webinar and training modules to give some guidance to schools.  The educational material includes statistics, anecdotes, and discussion of cyberbullying and sexting.  The training modules are modified to be grade-appropriate for elementary school, middle school, and high school.  See Office of the Ill. Att’y Gen., Attorney General’s Internet Safety Training Modules (2010), www.isbe.state.il.us/curriculum/ppt/internet_safety
_webinar.ppt
(last visited Sept. 20, 2011).

[246]. Hoff & Mitchell, supra note 221, at 663 (setting forth a study that students reported incidents of cyberbullying occurring when they were as young as ten years old and up through their high-school years).

[247]. Willard, supra note 196, at 7.  See also Hinduja & Patchin, supra note 151, at 1 (stating that certain cyberbullying behaviors are encompassed in existing criminal legislation, such as: harassment, stalking, felonious assault, certain acts of hate or bias).

[248]. Hoff & Mitchell, supra note 221, at 663; see also Limber & Snyder, supra note 220, at 27 (stating that students should be taught to be good citizens, rather than passive bystanders, when they witness bullying).

[249]. Willard, supra note 196, at 6.

[250]. Hoff & Mitchell, supra note 221, at 663 (explaining that student input would be valuable because “they are the group who understands this phenomenon best”).  See also Madigan, supra note 220, at 8 (explaining how students suggested peer-to-peer mentoring and mediation programs).

[251]. Md. Code Ann., Educ. § 7-424.1(g)(1) (West 2010) (requiring schools to develop an antibullying educational program for “staff, volunteers, and parents”).

[252]. See Model Policy Against Bullying and Harassment, supra note 140, at 4; Hoff & Mitchell, supra note 221, at 663.

[253]. Madigan, supra note 220, at 8.

[254]. See id.; Anti-Defamation League, supra note 10, at 15.

[255]. See Model Policy Against Bullying and Harassment, supra note 140, at 8.

[256]. Willard, supra note 196, at 10.

[257]. Also referred to as the Student Harassment Prevention Act.

[258]. Ala. Code § 16-28B-6 (2011).

[259]. Id. § 16-28B-3 (defining harassment as not limited to, written electronic, verbal or physical acts).

[260]. Alaska Stat. § 14.33.200(a) (2011).

[261]. Sample Issues and Areas to Consider When Developing Local Policies for Harassment, Intimidation, and Bullying, Alaska Dep’t. of Educ. and Early Dev., http://eed.state.ak.us/tls/SchoolSafety/Docs/Sample_Issues_and_Areas.pdf (last visited Sept. 20, 2011).

[262]. Ariz. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 15-341(37) (2011).

[263]. Ark. Code Ann. § 6-18-514 (a)(2) (2010).

[264]. Id. § 6-18-514 (a)(3)(B) (defining “Electronic Act”).

[265]. Cal. Educ. Code § 32282(a)(1)(E) (West 2011).

[266]. Id. § 32261(d) (bullying includes acts committed personally or by means of an electronic act).

[267]. Sample Policy for Bullying Prevention, Cal. Dep’t of Educ., (2010), available at http://www.cde.ca.gov/ls/ss/se/samplepolicy.asp.

[268]. Colo. Rev. Stat. Ann § 22-32-109.1(2)(a) (West 2010).

[269]. Colorado Association of School Boards Sample Policy on Bullying Prevention and Education, Ctr. for the Study and Prevention of Violence, (2001), http://www.colorado.edu/cspv/safeschools/bullying_casbpolicy.html.

[270]. Conn. Gen. Stat. § 10-222d (2010).

[271]. Id. § 10-222d(7) (2010) (requiring each school to notify parents or guardians of both the students who commit any verified acts of bullying and the students against whom such acts were directed).

[272]. The District of Columbia is considering a proposed bill that would require schools to implement antibullying policies, including bullying using “electronic communications.”  The bill also proposes that a model policy be developed.  Council of D.C., Bullying Prevention Act of 2010, B18-0770 (D.C. 2010) available at http://www.dccouncil.washington.dc.us/images/00001
/20100506090826.pdf.

[273]. Id.

[274]. Id.

[275]. Del. Code Ann. tit. 14, § 4112D(b)(1) (2011).

[276]. Id. 14 § 4112D(a) (bullying includes electronic acts).

[277]. Delaware’s Model Bully Prevention Policy, Del. Dep’t of Educ., http://www.doe.k12.de.us/infosuites/students_family/climate/files/Bully%20Prevention%20Policy%20Template.pdf (last visited Sept. 19, 2011).

[278]. Del. Code Ann. tit. 14, § 4112D(b)(2)(j) (2011) (requiring notification of a parent, guardian, relative caregivers, or legal guardian of any target of bullying or person who bullies another).

[279]. Fla. Stat. § 1006.147(2) (2010).

[280]. Id. § 1006.147(3)(b) (defining harassment to include use of data or computer software).

[281]. Model Policy Against Bullying and Harassment, supra note 140.

[282]. Fla. Stat. § 1006.147(4)(i) (2010) (requiring a procedure for immediate notification to the parents of a victim and the parents of the perpetrator of an act).

[283]. Ga. Code Ann. § 20-2-751.4(b)(1) (2011).

[284]. Id. § 20-2-751.4(a) (stating that bullying includes use of data or software that is accessed through a computer, computer system, computer network or other electronic technology of local school system).

[285]. Id. § 20-2-751.4(b)(3) (requiring that a method be developed “to notify the parent, guardian, or other person who has control or charge of a student upon a finding . . . that such student has committed an offense of bullying or is a victim of bullying”).

[286]. But see Haw. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 302A-1002 (2009) (requiring schools to report crime-related incidents, but no mention of bullying or cyberbullying).

[287]. S.B. 2094, 25th Leg., Reg. Sess. (Haw. 2010).

[288]. Idaho Code Ann. § 33-512(6) (2011).

[289]. Id. § 18-917A(2)(b) (“[H]arassment . . . may also be committed through use of a land line, care phone, or wireless telephone, or through the use of data or computer software that is accessed through a computer, computer system or computer network.”).

[290]. 105 Ill. Comp. Stat. 5/27-23.7(d) (2010).

[291]. Id. at 5/27-23.7(b).

[292]. Ind. Code § 20-33-8-12(1) (2011).

[293]. Iowa  Code § 280.28 (3) (2011).

[294]. Id. § 280.28 (2)(a) (2011).

[295]. Anti-Bullying/Anti-Harassment Policies, supra note 137.

[296]. Kan. Stat. Ann. § 72-8256(b) (2009).

[297]. Kan. Stat. Ann. § 72-8256(a)(1)(B) (2009).

[298]. Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 158.148(1) (West 2011).

[299]. La. Rev. Stat. Ann § 17:416.13(B)(1) (2011).

[300]. Id. § 17:416.13(C)(2) (defining “cyberbullying”).

[301]. Me. Rev. Stat. Ann. tit. 20, § 1001(15)(H) (2010).

[302]. Maine School Management Association Sample Policy, supra note 139.

[303]. Md. Code Ann., Educ. § 7-424.1(c)(1) (West 2010).

[304]. Id. § 7-424.1(a)(2) (stating that bullying, harassment or intimidation includes an intentional electronic communication).

[305]. Mass. Gen. Laws ch. 71 § 37O(c) (2011).

[306]. Id. § 37O(a).

[307]. Id. § 37O(d)(viii) (setting forth procedures for notifying parents or guardians of a victim and perpetrator).

[308]. Matt’s Safe School Law, supra note 66.

[309]. Model Anti-Bullying Act, supra note 139.  While this policy is not mandated by law, it was developed by the Michigan Department of Education based on the antibullying bills pending in the Michigan state legislature.  See Matt’s Safe School Law, supra note 66.

[310]. Minn. Stat. § 121A.0695 (2010).

[311]. Id.

[312]. Miss. Code. Ann. § 37-11-67(2) (2010).

[313]. Id. § 37-11-67(1).

[314]. Mo. Rev. Stat. § 160.775(1) (2011).

[315]. Id. § 160.775(2).

[316]. Neb. Rev. Stat. §§ 79-2, 137(3) (2010).

[317]. Id. § 79-2, 137(2).

[318]. Considerations for Policy Development, Neb. Dep’t of Educ., http://www.education.ne.gov/safety/Bullying_Prevention/Bullying_Prevention_Policy_Dev.html (last visited Sept. 20, 2011).

[319]. Nev. Rev. Stat. § 388.133 (2010).

[320]. Id. at § 388.123.

[321]. N.H. Rev. Stat. Ann. § 193-F:4(II) (2011).

[322]. Id. §§ 193-F:3(II), (III).

[323]. Id. § 193-F:4(II)(h) (describing a procedure for notification within forty-eight hours of the reported incident to both the parents or guardian of victim and the parents or guardian of the perpetrator of bullying or cyberbullying).

[324]. N.J. Stat. Ann. § 18A:37-15(a) (West 2011).

[325]. Id. § 18A:37-14 (defining electronic communication).

[326]. Model Policy and Guidance for Prohibiting Harassment, Intimidation and Bullying on School Property, at School-Sponsored Functions and on School Buses, State of N.J. Dep’t of Educ., http://www.state.nj.us/education/parents
/bully.pdf (last updated Apr. 2011).

[327]. N.M. Code R. § 6.12.7.8(B) (LexisNexis 2010).

[328]. Id. § 6.12.7.7(A).

[329]. N.Y. Educ. Law § 2801-a(1) (McKinney 2000) (requiring school safety plan).

[330]. Id. § 2801-a(2)(e) (requiring policies for contacting parents, guardians and persons in parental relation to students in the event of a violent incident).

[331]. N.C. Gen. Stat. § 115C-407.16 (2010).

[332]. Id. § 115C-407.15(a) (defining bullying to include electronic communication).

[333]. Ohio Rev. Code Ann. § 3313.666(B) (West 2011).

[334]. Anti-Harassment, Anti-Intimidation or Anti-Bullying Model Policy, Ohio Dep’t of Educ. Adm’r, http://education.ohio.gov/GD/Templates/Pages/ODE
/ODEDetail.aspx?Page=3&TopicRelationID=435&Content=106473 (last modified June 3, 2011).

[335]. Ohio Rev. Code Ann. § 3313.666(B)(5) (West 2011) (requiring parents or guardians of any student involved in incident be notified and have access to any written reports pertaining to the incident).

[336]. Okla. Stat. tit.70, § 24-100.4(A) (2011).

[337]. Id. (prohibiting bullying by electronic communication specifically).

[338]. Safe Schools Guide, Okla. Dep’t of Educ., 75 (2005), http://www.sde.state.ok.us/Schools/SafeHealthy/pdf/SafeSchlGuide.pdf.

[339]. Or. Rev. Stat. § 339.356(1) (2010).

[340]. Id. § 339.351(1) (defining cyberbullying).

[341]. 24 Pa. Cons. Stat. § 13-1303.1-A(a) (2010).

[342]. Id. § 13-1303.1-A(e) (stating that bullying includes intentional electronic acts).

[343]. R.I. Gen. Laws § 16-21-26(b) (2011).

[344]. Id. § 16-21-26(a)(3) (defining electronic communications).

[345]. Guidance on Developing Required Policies Against Bullying, http://www.ride.ri.gov/psi/docs/child_family/substance/bullying%20guidance%20and%20modelpolicy%2011-21-03.pdf (last visited Sept. 16, 2011).

[346]. S.C. Code Ann. § 59-63-140(A) (2010).

[347]. Id. § 59-63-120(1) (stating that harassment, intimidation, and bullying includes electronic communication).

[348]. South Carolina—Self Control Addressing Bullying in Our Schools: A Bullying Prevention Model, S.C Dep’t of Educ. 31–36, http://www.itv.scetv.org
/guides/sc2v2.pdf (last visited Sept. 24, 2011).

[349]. Tenn. Code Ann. § 49-6-1016(a) (2011).

[350]. Tex. Educ. Code Ann. § 37.001(a) (West 2009).

[351]. Id. § 37.001(a)(6).

[352]. Utah Code Ann. § 53A-11a-301(1) (West 2011).

[353]. Id. § 53A-11a-301(3)(j).

[354]. Vt. Stat. Ann. tit. 16, § 565 (2011).

[355]. Model Bullying Prevention Plan, supra note 139.

[356]. Va. Code Ann. § 22.1-279.6(A) (2011).

[357]. Id. (explaining that model policies should address the use of electronic means for purposes of bullying, harassment, and intimidation).

[358]. Wash. Rev. Code § 28A.300.285(1) (2010).

[359]. Id.at § 28A.300.285(2).

[360]. Prohibition of Harassment, Intimidation and Bullying, State of Wash. Office of Superintendent of Pub. Instruction (Apr. 2008), http://www.k12.wa.us/SafetyCenter/Guidance/pubdocs/Anti‑BullyingPolicyFinal.pdf.

[361]. W. Va. Code Ann. § 18-2C-3(a) (West 2011).

[362]. Student Code of Conduct, W. Va. Dep’t of Educ. (July 1, 2003), http://wvde.state.wv.us/policies/p4373.html.

[363]. W. Va. Code Ann. § 18-2C-3 (b)(5) (West 2011).

[364]. Wis. Stat. § 118.46(1)(a) (2010).

[365]. Bullying Prevention Policy Guidelines, Dep’t of Pub. Instruction (Mar. 2007), http://www.dpi.state.wi.us/sspw/pdf/bullyingguide.pdf.

[366]. Wyo. Stat. Ann. § 21-4-314(a) (2011).

[367]. Id. § 21-4-312.

[368]. Safe School Improvement Act of 2010, S. 3739, 111th Cong. (2010) (allowing for federal funding for schools that have bullying prevention programs).  See also Megan Meir Cyberbullying Prevention Act, H.R. 1966, 111th Cong. (2010).

[369]. Megan Meir Cyberbullying Prevention Act, H.R. 1966, 111th Cong. (2010).

[370]. This Model Cyberbullying Policy is limited only to cyberbullying.  In addition to cyberbullying, schools should adopt policies that are inclusive of off-line bullying and harassment (both of which are beyond the scope of this Article).  This Policy is based on Part III of this Article and also the pending Safe Schools Improvement Act of 2010, the “Florida Department of Education Model Policy Against Bullying and Harassment,” and the Anti-Defamation League “Model Statute.”  See Safe School Improvement Act of 2010, S. 3739, 111th Cong. (2010); Model Policy Against Bullying and Harassment, supra note 140; Anti-Defamation League, supra note 10.

[371]. See supra Part II.A(2) of this Article.

[372]. See supra Parts II.A(2)-B(1) of this Article.

[373]. See supra Parts II.A(2)-B(1) of this Article.

[374]. See supra Parts II.A(2)-B(1) of this Article.

[375]. See supra Part II.B(1) of this Article.

[376]. See supra Part II.B(1) of this Article.

[377]. See supra Part II.A(1) of this Article.

[378]. See supra Part II.A of this Article.

[379]. See supra Part II.B(2) of this Article.

[380]. The Anti-Defamation League drafted a model acceptable use policy, adapted from a U.S. Department of Justice model policy.  Anti-Defamation League, supra note 10, at 21.

[381]. See supra Part II.B(2) of this Article.

[382]. See supra Part II.C(1) of this Article.

[383]. See supra Part II.C(1) of this Article.

[384]. See supra Part II.C(1) of this Article.

[385]. See supra Part II.C(1) of this Article.

[386]. See supra Part II.C(2) of this Article.

[387]. See supra Part III(A) of this Article.

[388]. See supra Part III(B) of this Article.

[389]. See supra Part III(C) of this Article.

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